Political Science

After a long time of oppression under Iberian crowns, Latin America took another dimension which saw it agitate for freedom. This agitation was dual and as such it was struggling against both the mother state as well as from absolutism. In what is recorded as among the greatest historical struggles for freedom as well as liberty in the history of the modern world, the creoles triumphed. These battles span years and cost untold thousands of lives. This understates the importance of analyzing democracy that was fought for and the Implication of overlooking it with unjustly conducts that is now prevalent all over Latin America. With the exception of Cuba, the agitators of liberation significantly achieved what was considered to be the primary goal, independence, which saw the rise of eighteen new states across Latin America in the early nineteenth century. This were El Salvador, Mexico, Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, Haiti, Honduras, Guatemala, Bolivia, Colombia, Costa Rica, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Venezuela, Paraguay, Peru and Ecuador (Drake 2009).

The Agitators of liberation though had achieved a fundamental goal, did not fair on well with their secondary objective of formulating stable nations or their constitutional monarchies. Despite this fact, it is worth observing that they had taken a momentous step towards achieving democracy. Their endeavour gave birth to the largest web of republics in the world. In comparison to that era they founded a model on which the rest of the world could look upon in a bid to rise democratic institutions and nations alike. One has to ask then why is Latin America still lagging behind as far as democracy is concerned with rampant military coups and civil unrest as well, not forgetting un-savvy media frenzy, considered to be the fourth estate in countries vibrant democracies. The founders of this nations embedded republicanism in their manifestos which was to act as the backdrop against which their democracy was to be laid, the seed bed for democracy, the template for the future. Why has this template not thrived in the modern era? What factors are agitating against these models of vibrant democracies? This are the questions that this study endeavours to answer.

The founders of these nations embedded republicanism in their models as a result of the history of the time. There were fundamental concepts that explained there due significance to republicanism which explains why they widely considered to the extent of architecting it in their institutional frameworks and its consequent flounder in the founding years. Republics, which were to a large extent oligarchies, were the prevalent forms of democracy in the time. It was simply not feasible to exercise any other form of governance in the time. Does this historical record bear any answers as to why there is a prevalent split between perspectives of protected as well as popular democracy? One prevalent aspect in Latin America is the characteristic nature of the political atmosphere’s forecast of the future. They are rampant with unstable constitutions which are often rendered inoperable as a result of direct implantation from abroad. It therefore follows that these constitutions do not strive to meet the needs of the compact majority. It is the case because of the fact that these constitutions are drawn from developed countries whose public and national interests are in conflict with most of the Latin American states that are exclusively third world states. Are superficial constitutions the factor that is agitating against democracy in Latin America?

Another problem is the extreme centralism that characterises the government. The lack of devolution of power which ideally would spread the function and benefit of the government onto far flunk regions that are regionally distant from the power of the state embedded in the capital city results into isolation. This isolation results into underdevelopment wrought with undesirable aspects like low educational levels that renders the citizenry unskilled to grasp the central place that the state politics takes in development. As such it raises a compact majority of citizenry ill informed to comprehend national interests and rights which can consequently motivate them towards agitation for this interests that can be achieved on a democratic level ground. This study will be guided by the question; how has the policy of extreme centralism in government affected democracy in Latin America?

In all failing democracies, one aspect that is often under scrutiny of which the undesirable trend is always ascribed to is hyper-presidentialism (Mainwaring and Shugart 1997). In trends that exhibit downward spirals with regard to democracies the executive power embedded in the principal often traverses the norm with the principal exercising immense powers in his rule. Philosophers such Thomas Hobbes expounded on presidents being all-powerful. Hobbes understanding of society’s regulation can be well understood by analyzing his understanding of what constitutes a commonwealth, of which to him was divided into the supreme power vested in the leader who was in command of his subjects. In this regard, Hobbes postulated that the leader was the bigger person which primarily meant that he was ideally the law of the society. As such Hobbes did not take the same road as that of the famous jurist Sir Edward Coke who challenged the claims by the seventeen century King’s James 1st and Charles 1st that they were above the law. Following this stand, Hobbes appeared to be taking the same side as the royal kings, agreeing with the fact that they were above society’s norm of conduct and thus something that was below them could not be used to punish them. What comes out of this interpretation is the fact that Hobbes disagreed with the law ruling the country as opposed to Presidents. He noted that it would be dangerous to place the leader, in this regard the President, at the mercy of his opponents, which we can take to be those who deferred in ideology with the President. Hobbes queried that if the King, the President, was to be at the mercy of the country’s law, then the wrong interpretation in the jurist’s assumption would be that the jurist had assumed that the President was a kind of man with his senses in their natural form, even if he were assumed to be illiterate could not find himself ruled by his opponents whom he believed could kill him or act to his detriment when he could not adhere to the country’s law. Here the Jurist had built his assumption on a fallacy. But this assumption has been outlived with the time with the agitation of democracy, freedom and accountability. As such Presidents ought to be under the law, which ideally controls their action. However this is not the case in Latin America, with most elements in power assuming Hobbes assumption resulting into tyranny. Such is the case in the recent Honduran Case with the military leader, Roberto Michelletti, failing to acknowledge the state law by toppling the rightfully elected president. How has hyper presidentialism impacted on the thriving of democracy in Latin America?

The second question of great significance that Hobbes builds is the fact that the country’s law is nothing but mere words on mere paper.  To Hobbes and much in the same way as in Latin America, It is wrong to assume that this mere words embedded in the Latin American states penal codes would control the people. As such the resultant of embedding the states supremacy in mere paper and words would be putting the existence of the country at the mercy of anarchy and lawlessness, because people would disregard these words. Hobbes had yet another third assumption which echoes democracy in Latin America. He suggested that in a bid to control the country, the President ought to instil the fear of God in the people which ideally means that the leader must use means, which in this regard can be taken as the law that primarily threatens the people with harm should they act in disregard of the leader who in most cases would be agitating for democracy. In comparison to Latin America, a Hobbes analysis of the law realizes solutions that are much to the delight of the ruling class. In the first instance the president was to be the supreme power. As such, he would be above the law and insulated from public scrutiny for he himself was beyond reach. Hobbes justification of Latin American leaders’ all powerful status is justified by the fact that by stripping the president of the power beyond the state would be assuming a dangerous path as it would place him at the mercy of his political opponents and thus resulting into a dysfunctional country where the leadership was constantly threatened by rebellion resulting into civil war that would disintegrate society. This study assesses how Hobbes dimension of imperial presidents has influenced the advancement of democracy in Latin America, which often unfortunately is not a delightful picture as it is filled with overtones of failure.

The downward Spiral Peru
The country, as earlier mentioned has had a turbulent political history that succeeds successive periods of democratic governance and authoritarian rule. The tumultuous political history of the country could be traced far back during the period of Spanish occupation. Since the birth of the state of Peru in 1821, it has had thirteen constitutions. In regard of its elected presidents, only nine out of the elected nineteen presidents have completed their term in office (McClintock 1999). After twelve years of military governance, the country transitioned to democracy in 1980. The whole of 1980 was characterized with undesirable trends in the country’s economy with a prolonged period of stagnation with the Maoist guerrilla insurgents pressurizing the government. The period between nineteen eighty and 2000, the insurgents’ (Shinning Path otherwise known as Senderos Luminoso) conflict with the government troops accounted for approximately 69,260 deaths as well as disappearances (Palmer 1994).

In 1985, American Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA) candidate, the leftist Alan Garcia won the election with his first term in office characterized with conflicts with the world financial community as he pursued a policy that was pro-socialist which saw him engage much of government earnings in social programs. This policy resulted into hyper inflation as the government expenditure exceeded national income. The situation was further aggravated with the government’s internal security framework not comprehensive enough to face and demolish the insurgent Maoist rebellion. In five years, the compact majority was already disillusioned with Garcia’s administration with the consequence of voting him out of power. Consequently, the election saw the independent candidate Alberto Fujimori assume presidency. Fujimori initially attempted to turn Peru around by reformulating the state’s policies and mounting pressure on the Maoist insurgents. In nineteen ninety two, Fujimori developed tension with the country’s congress and in reaction he resolved to carry out a self coup, ultimately dissolving parliament and summoning a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution. As such, by dint of the new constitution, Fujimori fulfilled his interests by assigning spots on the country’s judiciary and legislature alike with his supporters. In 1995, he was re-elected back into office but the waning economy aggravated his popularity with the compact majority feeling dissatisfied with his economic policies that did not act to help them in their direful economic predicament. His strong handedness characterized in his handling of the Shinning Path with more or less military antics added to negative public perception of the president as an authoritarian ruthless ruler. His tactics to disintegrate the Maoists rebels resulted into momentous violations of human rights.

President Fujimori won his third term in office in 2008 amidst a public outcry of fraud and irregularity. A few weeks after assuming office Fujimori’s presidency was hit by a bribery scandal and was further aggravated by the prevalent public sentiment that associated the president with human rights violations. This tied the president’s hands and he was obliged to call for election in which he was considered ineligible to run. An interim administration assumed office between 2000 and 2001 and was succeeded by a democratically elected government in July 2001, headed by Alejandro Toledo. Toledo ruled Peru in the period between 2001 and 2006 with his term characterised with tremendous growth in the country’s economy but surprisingly low approval ratings. Toledo’s presidency also implemented several reforms including tax reforms and finalised trade agreements with the U.S. Nevertheless his presidency was marred with accusations of rampant graft that was allegedly rooted in government. In addition there were also recurrent protests that were prevalent as well as popular in the country.

Current Political and Economic Issues
Alan Garcia, a former President, trounced populist Ollanta Humala with a six percent majority vote that saw him clamour fifty three percent of the votes counted against his opponents forty seven percent. In the second round, after wooing the support of the corporate community who had been noncommittal in the first round, Allan Garcia was declared president of Peru. Humala, a retired army chief, had summoned public pressure in October 2000 against the then president Alberto Fujimori. Humala had embraced nationalist policies that opposed the country’s integration into the global community seeking to create a national culture for the Andean state. This nationalist image together with his civic aggression as well as his nationalist policies drawn against a backdrop of states across the world that embraces it were perceived as traits of an authoritarian leader who was opposed to democracy and as such Humala did not fair on well with the public. In 2006, the current leader of opposition in the Peruvian Congress was charged with murder allegedly carried out in the nineties. In the legislative elections, APRA secured thirty six sits while Humala acquired forty five of the a hundred and twenty seats in the unicameral congress. The supporters of Fujimori were rated low with only thirteen seats as the National Unity coalition secured seventeen of the seats in congress (Taft-Morales 2006).  

Economic dimension
The elected president Alan Garcia, on his election, made significant strides to reassure the international community that was uncertain of his policy widely perceived to be pro-socialist and acting in disregard of national earning. The country has taken immense strides towards redefining its democratic governance as well as reformulated its policy framework with regard to economic models to embrace market friendly trends. For the past eight years the country has seen tremendous economic growth indexes compared to the rest of the region. In 2007, the country’s gross domestic product was calculated at eight percent. Despite this trend the government continues to sustain public unrest wrought with popular protests that ideally linger concerns on inequality as well as poverty.

Reducing poverty and inequality
Basing on indexes retrieved from the World Bank, minority affluent Peruvians have a hold of the states forty one percent income while Peru’s poorest 10% control on a single percentage of the national income. In recent years, the country has seen popular protests that agitate for economic equality. A significant majority of indigenous households approximated at 63% languish in poverty compared to only 43% of non-indigenous communities (Hall and Patrinos 2006). The president has vowed to increase to investment that will ideally benefit the majority as well as increase welfare grants that will improve the poor people’s lives. Despite this fact the president is reeling relentlessly against quenching the quest of popular expectations (Wall Street Journal 2006)

Fujimori Trials
In 2007, the state commenced indictment of the former leader Alberto Fujimori. Fujimori is accused of humongous violation of human rights as well as well as rampant graft that stemmed in the government under his rule. A prevalent perception in Peru was a feeling that the former president by being held accountable and imprisoned for not less than thirty years as well as fines in the excess of thirty three million dollars would be a harsh sentence on the former leader. The former president fled to Japan in 2000. He attempted to return to Peru in 2005 but was taken into custody by Chilean authorities. In 2007 the Chilean government extradited the former president back to Peru and in 2009 the former leader was handed a 25year jail term by Peruvian Judicial system. President Garcia lost backing of the Fujimorista section of legislators who still pledged allegiance to their former leader and perceived the government’s crackdown on the former president as mere witch-hunting.

Counter-narcotics policies
The Peruvian government has primarily undertaken forced eradication to attain its cocaine annihilation objectives. Consequently, this has resulted into violent and to an extensive level deadly encounters that pits the state authority engendered in the police force against the coca farmers. In 2006 alone the state annihilated over 12,688 hectares of cocaine, ideally surpassing its set target of ten thousand hectares per year (International Narcotics Control Strategy Report 2007). Former Maoist insurgents are the major farmers of coca and they provide security for traffickers of the illegal drug in Peru (EFE News Service 2007).
Ecuador

Political Context
Ecuador was once portrayed as a significantly stable country that fell in a relatively unstable as well as conflicted region, the Andean region. However, in the recent past, the country has been under a momentous storm, characterized with both economic as well as political strife. Lucio Gutierrez, in the countries spiralling and fledgling political atmosphere, is its third consecutive president, popularly elected to be thrown out of power before his term would be completed. Another president, in the country’s quiet tense political atmosphere, never to see completion of his term though constitutionally by dint of being declared as mentally unfit to rule the nation by the states national congress in 1997 was Abdala Bucaram. It is worth observing that, in addition to the above reason was another cause which accused the president of allegedly misappropriating state funds in the excess of $90 million. Jamil Mahoad is yet another Ecuadorian president that was ousted by a coup with the reason being a long spell of economic downturn (Ribando 2005).

Historical Analysis
The instability that has thrived in the Ecuadorian political atmosphere has a historical dimension. As such it draws from a long philosophy that characterizes the fundamentals of the republic which aggravate a direful political situation with implications on democracy. Since the inception of the state in 1830, concepts that primarily stress regionalism as well as personalism have been deeply embedded in the country’s political culture. Another element that seems prevalent in the country is the strife between the two major cities in the country, Guyaquil, the industrial port and Quito the capital city formed by the colonial government. This two cities struggle to attain the country’s grasp of urban dominance. To aggravate the situation, there also has been regional divide in Ecuador that is characterised along ethnic as well as class divisions. This has created the tendency for political parties to be formulated as electoral bodies which are exploited as political segments by the ruling elite. Ecuador’s resumption of democracy in the late seventies was not much desirable as it was accompanied by party splits as well as rampant graft together with bureaucratic ineptitude (Ribando 2005). Political fragmentation was a major obstacle in the reform of the country’s services sector and laws as well as banking regulation which was kept pending in congress by dint of vocal opposition that wanted to protect their own corporate interests. The consequence of this was a deteriorating economic situation that with models that hindered prosperity being adopted, ultimately leading up to negative public sentiments that primarily blamed the incumbent leadership for their languishing in poverty. The populist was consequently supported which saw the likes of Lucio Gutierrez assume power. This trend that has largely characterised Ecuador’s economic as well political policies with its succeeding administration doing little in terms of policy reformulation to reverse it, has resulted into turmoil wrought with economic problems and rampant corruption
Economic Policy

Ecuador’s dependence on exports of oil as well as remittances sent by overseas Ecuadorians together with the country’s vulnerability to disasters primarily natural, tremendous levels of debt and its nucleic geographical location in an unstable Andean region aggravates its economic situation as these factors expose the country to exogenous shocks. This is resultant from the unstable oil prices in the world market which dictate internal policies, yielding unfavourable environment most of the time. The country is also exposed to an inefficient policy making process, a responsibility charged to its political leadership who fail to dissociate politics and the national economy, often yielding a systemized web of competing corporate and political interests for political spoils. This stalls policy initiatives ultimately failing to insulate Ecuador from exogenous shocks (Andres et al 2004).
Dominican Republic

Back ground
The Dominican Republic is to be found on the eastern two thirds that forms the Caribbean island of Hispaniola. The Republic shares this island with another Latin American nation of Haiti. With a population that is calculated at 8.8 million people, the island’s land mass can be approximated to cover the whole of Vermont and New Hampshire combined (CRS Congress Report 2005). It has an income per capita of $2,230, thus it is described as a lower income country. After fighting to attain its independence from Spanish conquerors in early 19th century as well as Haiti in 1844, the island nation assumed an uneven road to achieve its current Democratic governance. This saw the island’s leadership characterised by long spells of authoritarian military dictatorship evenly supplied with frequent coups.

Political Situation
In the nineties, the Dominican Republic experienced tremendous economic growth which also saw it develop formidable institutions of democratic governance. Its widely popular 1994 “Pact for Democracy” gave birth to a new dawn in the country’s political atmosphere as it went on to oversee the subsequent de-crowning of the elderly Joaquin Balaguer from office. This was after Balaguer’s shortened 2 year term in office. It also prevented consecutive presidential elections. Balaguer had served for six succeeding terms. He was mentored by Rafael Trujillo and he dominated the Island nation’s politics for years. A center-left left candidate of the PLD party which primarily constitutes middle class professionals, Lionel Fernández succeeded Balaguer and oversaw a period of tremendous economic growth. The curse of graft that is rampant in Latin America hit Fernández’s presidency which saw Hipolito of the Dominican Revolutionary Party (PRD) trounce Danilo Medina, the PLD candidate. President Mejia rise to power was on a platform of rural development that significantly lagged behind in development. The merry period of the elected president did not last long as he came under fire loosing popular support when he opted to spend public finances excessively. His fall also came as a result of opting to save deposit holders of the top three massive bank failures by way of bailing them out. This bail out plan cost the government approximately fifteen to 20% of the gross domestic product of the country (Goldstein 2004). Critics observed that Mejia paid more focus on holding onto power and as such he was least concerned with the country’s economic status which was direful. To meet this goal, he needed a constitutional amendment (Latin American Regional Reports 2004).

2004 Presidential Elections
In 2004 Leonel Fernandez carried the day in the island’s election with a convincing initial round with a fifty seven percent allotment of the counted votes. This was a resounding victory compared to 34% secured by Mejia as well as the 9% received by the Social Christian Reformist Party (PRSC) Eduardo Estrella. A compact majority turned in numbers to award Leonel Fernandez victory. They linked the president elect with the tremendous economic growth that the country witnessed during the nineties. The elected president sought to exploit his populist advantage to steer the country on a path of posterity which was absolutely critical in resolving the nation’s fiscal shortfall as well as its Central Bank Debt that was catapulting together with power shortages that were significantly chronic.

Fiscal Reform and DR-CAFTA
In late 2004, the country’s legislature that dominantly consists of members allied to the PRD wing legislated and successfully enacted Fernandez’s fiscal policy package. This policy was characterized with a heightened sales taxes as well as a 20% reduction in public spending (Financial Times 2004). This negatively impacted on the poor as they bore the brunt of government’s policy plan. The passage of this bill in the country’s congress favourably placed it on the negotiation table with the IMF.

The Dominican Republics former president Mejia was alleged with links to an array of corrupt activities but many critics have rendered the indictment of the former president futile. An inquiry into the former president’s financial resources realized that in his term in office he was able to increase his wealth by a whopping $800,000 (Reuters 2004). The report also revealed that the former president as well as political big wigs of primary parties together with other individuals that were well placed was enticed with gifts as well as monetary grants from Ramon Perez the chairman of the presently defunct Banco Intercontinental (Economist Intelligence Unit 2003). Mejia also assumed control of the Banco Intercontinental subsidiaries which included Listin Diario, the Dominican Republic’s biggest publishing company. The government also saw off an array of editors as well as the company’s managers despite the fact that they did not play a part in the corruption scandal, a move that was seen an attempt to control publishing. There re also corruption allegations levelled against several bankers prominent in the Dominican Republic including Mr. Baez. Several PRD officials were charged with financial misappropriations as well as fraud and embezzlement by the Fernandez administration.

Human Rights
    Though the country has made significant steps with regard to its human rights record, bad human rights sentiments still linger in the air. Reports retrieved from the local media put the death toll resultant from police killings at 160 people more in 2004 compared to killings 2003 (EFE News Service 2005).

Tremendous growth in both tourism as well as Free trade Zone fuelled rapid expansion in the country in the nineties at a perennial rate that was approximated at 6-8%. However the country’s primary industry remain in its mining as well as agriculture remain its highest export revenue earner. Remittances from oversees Dominicans are also a primary sector of the economy as they are calculated at $1.5 Billion annually. One reform that promoted growth was the privatization of white elephant state enterprises that ate in the government’s earnings.

Latin America
Economic Crisis
What exacerbates democracy in Latin America on overall is the regions engulf in economic crisis which pits the governments against the populace.

Since the region was struck by a debt crisis in the early eighties it has been languishing in a direful economic predicament that has spanned a long period. Calculating g the trends for the entire region approximates fallen gross domestic products by a whopping 10% with some countries fairing on badly. In Argentina and Nicaragua for instance   the income per capita has dropped by a whole 25% with only 2 countries namely Chile and Colombia recording improved standards of living over the last decade though with minute margins.

The consequence of this worrying trend is the entrapping of more people in poverty with rampant unemployment as well as well as underemployment wrought in nearly every country. The wages of Latin Americans have also diminished considerably with some places recording dropping of nearly 50%. The quality of life medical care as well as education has been falling over the years. The crime rates as well have been on the rise and in a statement life generally has faired on badly for the citizenry. All this negative economic sentiments have resulted into devastating loss of confidence. A majority of the regions citizens drawn across all classes have resorted to migration to other regions. Assessing an array of countries from the region reveals that the direful economic situation has resulted into its leadership’s loose of credibility as the people are more pessimistic of their capacity to govern. This has impacted negatively on democracy as the people have failed to enhance the governments.

Worsening economic conditions have also been the backdrop against which insurgents such as the shinning path have thrived. In some countries, there have been cases where governments bid to tame economic shocks have motivated violent protests pitting the democratic governance against the economy. In Venezuela for instance, more than 300 people died in violent outbreaks that agitated against rising staple food prices. Similar food riots in Argentina also saw the country’s democratically elected president hand over power to Menem before he saw the completion of his term. Such a case is a threat to democracy.

Democratically elected leaders have also been weakened by their inability to stem economic declines consequently loosing the citizenry’s goodwill as well as support. As such they have been incapacitated from instigating readjustments that are needed for development. The stop and go policies are a major factor that aggravates the situation as they aggravate political instability. This is a stumbling block in the path of democracy.

Latin American nations like Columbia, El Salvador as well as Peru together with Guatemala reel against insurgent threats which compromise their ability for effective governance. The said nations are faced with a vicious cycle of violence as well as counter violence which to a great extent and diversified ways compromises the host country’s institutions as well as procedures together with values that are primary for democracy to thrive. As long as violence thrives the practice of democracy will be held hostage implicating that it will be superficial in the sense that it will be truncated rendering it precarious. The insurgent militia’s intrusion on decisions that are political which do not consider their interests, as well as their compromise of civilian leader’s authority together with institutional intrusion will continue to hamper economic progress, polarizing the political atmosphere. This will be worsened by the fact that in dealing with this insurgency on government, human rights will have to be compromised as in the case of Peru consequently tainting the image of the host governments and ultimately the democratic process.

Columbia is a case in mind that continues to be threatened by insurgency. Two militias continue to battle the government with the militia that has been inculcated into government difficult to guarantee security too. The killing of political candidates as well as other political figures together with kidnapping of various influential individuals compromises the countries freedom and its ability to sustain practise of free political sentiments that characterize successful democracy. This freedom is muzzled by the country’s inability to tame rampant insecurity.

In addition to these there is also the threat posed by drug lords. This outlawed drug cocoons as well as paramilitary groups which are cushioned and enhanced by the national security forces which conduct their operation in a web of complicated alliances with the drug loads. This compromise the country’s security and ultimately democracy as the elected officials are unable to make decisions of governance freely always operating under the muzzle of these warlords. It is worth noting that, despite the fact that the state of insecurity in Colombia is wanting, the country’s institutions continue to resiliently reel against these powerful negative forces with commendable demonstration of flexibility. Colombia’s political leadership as well as a majority of its citizenry continue to commit to democratic governance. The constitutional reforms that are in the making will go a long way in enhancing this endeavour.

After a prolonged decade of civil war that claimed approximately 70,000 lives with both militia and government forces guilty, El Salvador is also reeling against the curse of militia insurgency. The insurgent militia have the grasp of the country’s territory but their prospect of victory over the country’s military is diminished. Though the country’s forces are sufficiently equipped to sustain the militia, it is not sophisticated enough to crack down on them and force their surrender. The existence of the militia groups compromise democracy as they disable institutions with their pockets of resistance.
In Guatemala, a prolonged period of warfare characterised with guerrilla insurgency is responsible for the loose of 100,000 lives. This is in addition to a significant majority that were perceived not to be toeing the militia groups’ party line consequently leading to their kidnapping and torture. This trend compromises the thriving of democracy as the citizenry is always weary of making political decisions that regard governance.

Strong Armies and fragile polities
Where insurgents do not exist they are supplemented by the armed forces that fail to pledge allegiance to the elected government with complete disregard to civilian control. This results into conflicts between the civilian government and the institution of the military which hampers democratic processes.

The armed forces of Latin American countries such as Nicaragua, Bolivia and Honduras as well as Peru and Ecuador are institutionally autonomous and can be best described as only conditionally subordinate to the democratically elected central government. This autonomy pits two forces in power with the military having an edge as a result of the weaponry.

The national armed forces of Panama are a stumbling block to democratic rule. This is in spite of the cashiering of four hundred senior officials in 11/2 years of attempts to reform the army into a state security institution that would be subordinate to the elected government. This pits democracy against military opposition in Latin America.

In Argentina, the national armed forces have been involved in confrontation with the civilian government over the past several years. This has impacted negatively on democratic institutions

Brazil has to a significant level been cushioned from this military confrontation, though primarily it has been forced to compromise democracy by making concessions to the military.

In Haiti, the military is infamous for its emblem of a rogue force. There’s some hope though bearing in mind the early nineties precise halt by the army of a Duvalier loyalists’ coup.
 
Conclusion and Recommendations
Effective countries are necessary to enable successful democratic practices

The failure that characterized prior stabilization in earlier endeavours in Latin America has revealed that attempts to adjust macroeconomic imbalances by reducing budget deficits as well as doing away with price distortions together with adoption of monetary policies is not applicable in the context of Latin America. Such endeavours in order to suffice must be taken along with permanent structures in the national economy. This calls for policy formulation that will derive a win/win situation for the populace as well as enable the government to practice sound economic policies. Economic stability is inextricably bound to democratic viability.

In order to sustain democracy in Latin America it calls fro strong presidents that are able to show leadership in a prevalently tumultuous political environment. Strong presidents will be well positioned to sustain public pressure. The powers of these presidents should be regulated by empowering legislatures to curb the excess of an imperial presidency.

The court system that oversees the penal code should be rendered autonomous institutions that are only bound by the law.

Political parties should be reformulated as movements as opposed to vehicles that drive the elite into power. They should embrace the people and as such the peoples interests as well. Latin American leadership must be willing to accept lose as well as victory. They should live with uncertainty that is wrought in the political sphere. This is absolutely critical because for democracy to thrive, it requires a politically active citizenry, practising its trade in an organized circle characterized with regulatory institutions that operate within the circle of accepted laws of the land.

To root democratic governance in the grain of Latin America, the regions pockets of internal resistance ought to be sustained. The thriving of democracy can not use a platform wrought with civic strife with expanded almost if not exclusively autonomous national armies.

The national armed forces of Latin America should also be willing to accept subordination to civilian and democratically elected leadership. For this to occur in Latin America, it calls for rethinking of the mandate of the army who to a great extent operate under the curse of the regions imperial occupation.

Many countries that form the legion of Latin America are yet to make significant steps that will enable member states to curtail pervasive violations of rights against humanity. For democracy as a process to be consolidated, it requires political dissidents’ rights to be acknowledged with minorities as well recognized and accepted by the nation which ideally calls for an open and free society.