Harlem Childrens Zone

Harlem Childrens Zone is anon profit making organization which its mandate is to rescue destitute children and other persons through its programs with an aim of improving the lives of the unfortunate and the social living of the community. At the meeting onTuesday, 8 December 2009, you requested me a recommendation finding report on the develop outcome measurement programs in regard to Harlem Childrens Zone and I would like to present the following detailed findings.

Harlem Childrens Zone is one of the many projects funded that are society non profit based with a core goal of erasing poverty in Harlem. Harlem Childrens Zone is engrossed with a series of programs intended to guide and support families raising children, from when families are expecting a child until the children go to college with a mission to end generational poverty. The core virtue of Harlems is to target those families that are at risk irrespective of their opinion of HCZ underlining the fact of Risk

Management Strategy
Harlem Childrens Zone, has embraced measurement as a management tool for steering the organization towards great achievement of the set goals. To rescue children from troubled communities is the fundamental goal and to succeed in doing so, Harlem has emphasized how important its to have a modeled measure of the number of children to be taken at a time and the sizable number of caring adults sounding the children.

Harlem management has schemed measures that are aimed in proper upbringing of these children if they are to develop into responsible useful members of their communities. Engineering Approach has been hatched by the Governing body and Administrators of HCZ in trying to solve problems of poverty at the earliest possible stage before children are born. Educating the parents of children not yet born is about as early in the system of educationas one can conceive and in application of the theory, leverage in any system is at the beginning of that system and so HCZ system tries to fetch back their system as early as the child is not born

This has been done by measuring the time when these children are supposed to be introduced to the sound health care, intellectual and social stimulation and guidance thus it is said to be done early enough in their lives. This twin measurement component has seen Harlem childrens Zone register a leap of growth to what is as a model that can be aped by other social service organizations across the country. Underlining the fact that money alone is not what is needed in helping the society but rather intellectual capital resources. Harlem has succeeded because of proper defined goals, better metrics, and most importantly, more efficient technologies that has enabled them to achieve those goals.

Has the system succeeded
A model where children from troubled communities have to be rescued into an environment where they can grow to healthy responsible and fulfilled adult members of their community the system has these destitute kids access sound health care early enough in their lives and at the same time they are surrounded by a sizable number of caring adults for their social stimulation and guidance. This has seen the project expand and now it employs 450 staff supporting 8,000 children with 5,000 adults through its 12 interrelated programs. The model has a prospect of growing even further to a tune of 45 million in revenues and approximately support 24,000 people with an expansion of its area three times that of which it currently operates on. The program has whose intention is to benefit children as a source of alleviating poverty, the administrators have devised a system where pregnant mothers are enrolled and receive education on best health care fetching the live of a child right from the time the child is not born.

The project is a big success and we can measure this by weighing the number of children in school under this program which as shot up, what other programs that have been initiated The projects fundamental believe in intervening early in a childs life has a baby project called the Baby College the organizations parental program. The workshop invites new parents to learn how to raise their kids to ensure a good education. To minimize the chances that his kids will fall victim to street crime, the project keeps them off the streets requiring after-school activities and longer school years. So far, the formula is working  with approximately 95 percent of the kids who attend early school going on to college making other cities, including Baltimore, to take note copying some programs in their own At-risk Neighborhoods projects

Lessons to be learnt from Harlem Childrens Zone Approach
There are a number of lessons to be learnt for Harlem Childrens Zone Project. A project of Harlems nature non profit society based organization for it to achieve the goals under which it is founded, the community under which it operates must be involved i.e. politicians, churches, schools, police, social services, businesses and parents. Because its the people within that can solve understand and solve their problems.  A high quality education is our best hope of breaking the cycle of generational poverty and violence that haunt most unfavorable neighborhoods. A commitment must be invested geared towards working together bring together police, schools, politicians, parents, churches, social services and businesses  to provide as much opportunity for development set goals as possible, no matter what.

Other non profit organizations must analyze and think about the impact they intend to have, combined with a deep understanding of the underlying economics of their organization, to build and follow through on a strategy that can really make a sustainable difference. For this to be achieved, certain systematic tools have to be assembled. Such tools include the wherewithaltime, information, discipline or resourcesto devote to the task. Without which many non-profits organizations would tend to grow opportunistically. They see the need to help they see a way to provide help they do it. The problem is, all too often, they end up offering a broad and diffuse set of services that do not support and reinforce their central mission. Such mission drift is common. It is also dangerous to a non-profits long-term health as explained by, Mr. Geoffrey Canada Founder and CEO of Harlem childrens Zone.

First, organizations that suffer from mission drift gradually lose their ability to gain ground on their primary goals. Resource allocation decisions are often made on the basis of perceived program need rather than potential impact, they divert their most precious resourcesmanagement energy and general capital from their most powerful and productive activities toward programs that are on the periphery of their service spectrum or even worse off those that do not deliver results that would warrant those resources if weighed directly against other investment alternatives.

Second, if they are not able to demonstrate that they have a focused mission and sustainable long-term growth plan, promising organizations cannot attract the level of general funding they need for their growth and prosperity over time. Small, static organizations can often survive with limited funding that is targeted at one or another specific program. Dynamic organizations need funding that gives their leaders more leeway in how resources are deployed. They need funding that supports the big picture over the long-term just as Harlems Childrens Zone founder Canada did to have Harlem undergo growth to a magnitude level its today.  For any project of such prospect to realize its fundamental goal it has to set clear objectives and evaluate each, sharpen its strategic positioning, draw solid growth plan and performance measures which its managers can use to drive the organization forward and attract broad based long term funding. The Harlem childrens Zone plan should be replicated in every non profit organization so that all people in the communities and societies that are disadvantaged either socially or geographically can realize the potentials such organizations would have amid their bid for funds.

Information Evaluation
There is a lot to be desired, learned and implemented about Harlem Childrens Zone project information evaluation. Before any ground work is set to be laid, there must be a clear understanding of the term nonprofit sector. Clear mission statements have to be discussed in relation to the core objectives of the project. There should be a clear long term objective and goal for the subjects and objects in and in the surrounding environment where the project is to be initiated remembering that help will only come from within the surrounding. Sustainable, evaluations and impact measurement on leadership models and financial management in terms of revenue generation and fundraising has to be realized if the project is to pick pace guarding the roles and functions of the internal and external consultants to enhance marketing and public relations.

The Second Treatise of Civil Government by John Locke

Anonymously published in 1690 by John Locke, the Second Treatise of Civil Government
is a work of political philosophy that explores the nature of the relationship between the
government and the governed along the lines of natural rights and social contract theory.  
Applied to modern day issues in American society, the following are Lockes ideals in so much
as they pertain to present day tax cuts for the rich, the issuance of legislation to ban sexual
explicitness and nudity in public entertainment, and the judicial jump from a three-strike
misdemeanor approach to more swiftly applied and severe punishments.  
With regards to the Republican supported policies that favor tax cuts for all income brackets,
including the rich, chapter five of Lockes Second Treatise having to do with property
expresses Lockes views best. In section 27 of that chapter, Locke writes that though the earth,
and all inferior creatures, be common to all men, yet every man has a property in his own person
this nobody has any right to but himself. The labour of his body, and the work of his hands, we
may say, are properly his. Generally meaning, that while all things naturally exist for common
usage and the common good, all men also have the right to individual property, and that
individual property is ultimately defined as anything that is the result of mans own labor.  In this
section, Locke establishes the ground work for private property and, moreover, capitalism.
Further on in section 138 of chapter 11, Locke continues to write that The supreme power
cannot take from any man any part of his property without his own consent for the preservation
of property being the end of government, and that for which men enter into society, it necessarily
supposes and requires, that the people should have property.  Underscoring the necessary
protection of private property by the government, Locke says that no part of an individuals
property is to be taken without his own consent by the supreme power, meaning that without
his consent through the legislative body, taxes more or less cannot be imposed.

Once taxes are agreed upon by the legislative body, for the common good of the people, it
follows that Locke would not have be in favor of sweeping tax cuts for everyone because of
Lockes belief in the law of sustenance.  In chapter 5 Locke refers to the picking of apples or
acorns to justify the right to property as long as an individuals own labor was the means of
acquisition.  What Locke continues to explain with that example, however, is that according to
natural law, no one person should be allowed to acquire more than they can actually use.  So that
if someone were to pick too many apples for himself to use, they would spoil unless otherwise
utilized, and that would be an overextension of anyones natural rights of acquisition.  So while
Locke would have been against the excessive, and not consented to, imposition of taxes, he
would have held that the rich would be required to give back to the common wealth more than
those whose usage of property was more limited, and hence not over extensive.
In terms of legislation dealing with sexually explicit material in the public entertainment
arena, two notions arise.  The first is that such legislation would be an infringement on the
supreme freedom of all individuals to do as they wish, and the second would be that certain
freedoms are to be restrained for the purpose of preserving the well being of others.  In section 4
of chapter 2 Locke writes that a commonwealth should be a state of equality, wherein all the
power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one man having more than another, but he also writes
in section 134 of chapter 11 that the first and fundamental natural law, which is to govern even
the legislative itself, is the preservation of the society, and (as far as will consist with the public
good) of every person in it.  In order to explain how a legislative body is enabled to determine
what is consistent with the public good without infringing on the equal rights of others to enjoy
their own freedoms, Locke puts forth (in section 132 of chapter 10) the idea that in a democracy
where power and jurisdiction are granted equally to everyone, the legislative body is delegated
those powers, and therefore whatever is decided to be in the common wealth is done so in the
name of everyone, and more importantly with their consent.

He also clearly states this in section 22 of chapter 4 as he writes that the liberty of man, in
society, is to be under no other legislative power, but that established, by consent, in the
commonwealth nor under the dominion of any will, or restraint of any law, but what that
legislative shall enact, according to the trust put in it . So when it comes to sexual censorship of
public entertainment, it would seem that Locke would not have focused on whether or not he
personally believed that sex should be openly present in the public arena.  He would have
focused, however, on whether or not the legislative body represented the power trusted to it by
the people and whether or not that legislative body thought that such legislation would have been
necessary to preserve the public good of that society.
The third modern policy issue to consider in light of Lockes political philosophy is whether
or not Locke would have been in support of doing away with the three strike misdemeanor
policy.  This, in fact, is something that Locke responds to clearly and directly in his text.   In
sections 6 and 7 of chapter 2, Locke writes that being all equal and independent, no one ought
to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions , and that all men may be restrained
from invading others rights, and from doing hurt to one another, and the law of nature be
observed, which willeth the peace and preservation of all mankind.  Establishing the grounds
for just punishment, Locke goes one step further and writes in section 12 of chapter 2 that By
the same reason may a man in the state of nature punish the lesser breaches of that law. It will
perhaps be demanded, with death  Locke responds to his own question by writing that  each
transgression may be punished to that degree, and with so much severity, as will suffice to make
it an ill bargain to the offender, give him cause to repent, and terrify others from doing the like.  
While Locke gives a very severe response here, in section 8 of chapter 2 he writes that
 in the state of nature, one man comes by a power over another but yet no absolute or arbitrary power, to use a criminal, when he has got him in his hands, according to the passionate heats, or boundless extravagancy of his own will but only to retribute to him, so far as calm reason and conscience dictate, what is proportionate to his transgression, which is so much as may serve for reparation and restraint for these two are the only reasons, why one man may lawfully do harm to another, which is that we call                punishment.

So while Locke makes sure that he provides no foundations for any kind of absolute or arbitrary
power to be excessively used, it is clear that he would be quiet inclined towards a swifter and
more severe imposition of the law, and thereby punishment, in order to deter potential offenders
and preserve the peace of society.
While Lockes ideas are over three centuries old, it is an interesting perspective from which
to look at modern day American issues of debate, keeping in mind that it was originally the ideas
of men like Locke that provided the intellectual fundamentals for the foundation of American
society and government.

Privatization and the Political Change in China

China is one of the leading economies in the world. But Chinas current economic stature, internally and externally, was not accomplished overnight. China has to face the prospect of creating changes in the economy. One of the economic reforms introduced in the country is privatization, under which, the control and power of the state in previously state-owned enterprises and industries will be opened so that private entities can be given the chance to turn around the profitability and productivity of these industries and help Chinese economy improve. The move towards privatization will result to change. One of the changes that is expected to happen is political change.

Economics is one of the important aspects of social life. Then and now, many countries, kingdoms, nation-states and city-states rise to power or crumble to ashes because of problems with regards to economics. China and its history has been witness to how economics can make or break the political strength and unity of a particular place, whether it is a city, province or a sovereign country. It seems that China is taking the lessons of past failures to heart by considering and implementing economic reforms in the hope of improving and strengthening the economy and in the process strengthening the political stability of the country as well. Over the past two decades...China... (has) changed immensely (Li, 2004, p. 105).  Today, China is considered as one of the emerging global superpower as it flexes its economic muscle in the Asian region and globally by standing shoulder to shoulder with economic powerhouse countries like the US. The country has experienced drastic and radical improvement in its economic status. Moreover, this change is influencing and affecting not just the country but the global economy as well. While there maybe reasons for such development and improvement, one of the possible reasons behind the success of China is the shift towards privatization. Privatization is considered as an important strategy for a country to be able to participate and compete in the global economic stage (Overman, 1995, p. 46). In the recent years, China has made it clear that it wants to be able to participate more in the global economic activities and it showed that it is ready and willing to try privatization and give its economy a make over which, evidently, had stunning results. While privatization is good, it is also important to know how privatization and the change in the economics of the country have affected other aspects of the country for example, its politics and the political realm. It is expected that the shift to privatization and the economic change will entail political change, too. Because of the significance of this inquiry, the focus of this paper is the discussion and analysis regarding the idea that privatization in China is leading to political change.

Privatization and China
Privatization is the move of a particular country to change its economic practices, policies, perspective and outlook for example, shifting from state-owned and state-controlled practice to privately owned and privately controlled and operated industries, or even introducing foreign role in managing Chinese industries and enterprises. In the recent years, the government has started an ambitious program to privatize much of Chinas state-owned enterprises and open them to foreign investment (Li, 2004, p.109).  Privatization is a crucial and significant move because of how the reform can impact and change not just the economy of the country but the other aspects of the country as well that would be affected by the change. The change in the economy of the country may not always be a positive turn, but many countries are openly trying this practice. They believe that this will work, considering how it has worked in the past based on the experience of many other different countries. The opening towards privatization is not simultaneous, since countries tend to follow one another if they see that the style and approach has a promise of economic success (Li, 2004, p.109).
Communist countries, in particular, find it very difficult to transition towards privatization. Many aspects of privatization lean towards democratic and capitalist practices and beliefs, which go against communist beliefs. That is why, in the history of economic shifts from communism to privatization, like the case of Russia for example. It is always expected to result to noticeable changes that the government should anticipate and the government should be ready to accept and accommodate, not to mention the struggle that has to come along first before the change is realized and complete. The reform starts to manifest the expected changes once the society and its aspects have been fully able to adjust to the implications of the change towards privatization. In the last several years the world is witness to the opening up of China. Part of this opening up is the very ginger process of privatization. Slowly but surely, China and its Communist party and government are turning over to private entities the control and management of industries by selling stocks.

The idea of privatization is the belief in allowing private entities to have more control and more say on the process of managing industries. The country can expect a better result from it. The experiences of other countries before China act as proof that this is not just doable but has the ability to bring out the best in the country and make the country and its industries yield more profit and be more productive. Privatization has been a very controversial and critical issue in China among the different spheres of the society, like politics. While a considerable portion of the population may have agreed and approved of the move for privatization, similarly and parallel to this position is the considerable number of people who, in turn, feel that privatization is not the answer, and thus, not agreeable to and not approving of such economic move. The government eventually have to make a decision and choice, and evidently, they went with giving privatization a chance in China. Because of privatization, the role and scope of state ownership of industries are slowly decreasing in exchange of or in favor of private ownership (Li, 2004, p.109).

Privatization in China is an economic movement that has been around and observed by political and economic analysts for some time and for several years now in consideration to the action plan and the implementation strategy for the gradual move towards privatization of the country and its industries. Because of the intensive undertaking involving the implementation of privatization where it is already suitable at the moment, the impact of privatization is felt not only and exclusively in urban areas where economic activity is dominant and strongly felt, but also in rural areas of the country where there is equal potential for rise to significant economic role, considering the fact that manpower is there. Often, it allows businesses to be closer to supplies and raw materials. State ownership to a large extent no longer exists in rural areas (Fin, Heberer, Taubmann, 2006, p. 287). The private sector is more or less dominant (Fin, Heberer, Taubmann, 2006, p. 287). This is already one of the changes resulting from privatization, which in turn, would result to changes in the political aspect of China because of the new political role that the shift from state to private ownership brings to the table.

One of the reasons why privatization is a very strong and loud issue is because people believe that there is an impending political change that will happen as a result of the privatization. And worse, many are made uncomfortable with the fact that there are those who predict massive political changes although these predictions are often not strongly supported by credible empirical evidence. Surely, not many people have a clear idea what the political change would be, how it would manifest itself, what is its exact extent, and other information. There is indeed the possibility of a massive political impact but it can be in the long term rather than in a short term, sudden influx of change. This is understandable because, as professionals explain, people cannot help but fear for the worse when political change is perceived and when the political change is not clearly defined, in the fear that the political change may eventually break the economic reform because of the degree of the impact of political change (Des Forges, Luo, Wu, 1993, p. 230). There was, for instance a widespread fear of turmoil and anarchy when political changes were heading in a completely new and unpredictable direction (Des Forges, Luo, Wu, 1993, p. 230).

But what is clear is that the political change will mean not just small changes that China can easily live with or big changes that China cannot live with. Some of the changes will come in broad strokes but will happen under a certain pace that will make the country able to adjust. The change will significantly alter and re-do the previous details of the social life in the country, with focus on and relying on the effect of the political change (Dickson, 2003, p. 116). The eventual impact of privatization on Chinas political system is still uncertain, but previous research and experiences of Chinas entrepreneurs provide grounds for assessing their potential to be agents of change (Dickson, 2003, p. 116). Economic growth, no doubt, is characterized by a growth that is fast paced. Even though the political change is expected to happen as a result of economic change, it does not say that it will occur in the same pace and speed as economic growth did. The rapid economic growth has led in turn to political and social changes (Li, 2004, p. 105).

Inside privatization, the idea is this - the social condition is already ripe for economic change. This reform requires the introduction of a new practice with regards to economic functioning of the state and its people, and the new division of roles as well as responsibilities among the state and its people. In economic reforms such as privatization,  reform is gradual and incremental (Li, 2004, p. 109). This is good because a sweeping and swift privatization is probably not an attractive option for many social sectors (Des Forges, Luo, Wu, 1993, p. 230). Privatization is one of the economic reforms which have enjoyed success in the past and many countries are testament to the positive impact of privatization. Political change that comes with it, like privatization, is something that the people can use to work for them in a positive way. Like any other successful economic change that happened in the country, there are expected changes in the social characteristics, and the change includes political change (Heberer, 2003, p. 1). Successful economic reforms were followed by a process of gradual social and political change (Heberer, 2003, p. 1). Privatization is an ideal move, but it is only ideal and can realize the optimum potential of a countrys economy if the transition to privatization is made complete and comprehensive. Only comprehensive privatization will eliminate those forces that have interests in preserving as many state-owned firms as possible (Zuzowski, 1998, p. 22).
It is ironic that what is set to be affected significantly is the political sphere, when the power to make change happen actually comes from the same source. Political factors largely determine the pace and extent of privatization (Tsui, Bian, Cheng, 2006, p. 313). The political sphere knows what will happen should it pushes through and uses its powers to undertake this task. Because of greater reasons transcending the consideration for the preservation of power and status quo in the politics in China, it is the same political power that will be used to make the change and the shift in economic stance happen. As the change is felt because of privatization, the political sphere, according to professionals, is bound to be affected and changed by the economic change and reform undertaken through privatization (Tsui, Bian, Cheng, 2006, p. 313.

What are the Political Changes
At the onset of privatization, political change is expected to follow. Reform in economics results in direct political change as a consequence, or because it was expected (Stanford University, 2009), or both. The political change is manifested in the changes happening in the political culture, political institutions and in the political entities (groups and individuals). There are many reasons for the political change at the onset of the economic change in the form of privatization in China. It varies from the change and shift of power and clout, the restructuring of the social echelon and strata, the change in the status quo in economic practices that impacts politics, etc.

The changes will open new opportunities for politicians, for the political institution and the political culture in China. Besides the opportunities, this change will also create new roadblocks and hindrances which will force the political culture, political institution and political individuals to create a new approach or perspective as a reaction to change. New opportunities will include opportunities to bring in new power and new policies, as well as new priorities, goals and agenda. This can also open new doors that are susceptible and vulnerable to being used to undertake acts of graft and corruption among public officials and private business entities and groups. This is important since China has a strong history of corruption. The old system was an example of how the political aspect contributed to the deterioration of the economic system through the work of greedy politicians who used the economic system not for the countrys gains but fir their own personal financial gains (Li, 2004, p. 109). The Chinese regime has long refused to abandon control of their money-losing state-owned enterprises which serve as power networks and cows for Chinas unaccountable and greedy ruling party networks (Li, 2004, p. 109).

One the other hand, the new roadblocks may include roadblocks towards continued maintenance of previous exercise of power and clout and the creation of roadblocks that can hinder actions counter to the system of the newly introduced economic system. These are all mere general bullet points since there are more to mention and discuss. All of these are proofs that the privatization is not only making changes in the economic sphere, but also in the political sphere. The economics is strongly connected to the political realm of a country or government, regardless of whether it is private, public or state-owned and in whatever different degree of control the state or the private entities have prior to the entry of a catalyst of economic change in the form of privatization.

The changes are intertwined, and in some aspects, looks like interconnected series of events, wherein the change can lead to a series of different and strongly related and linked changes. The privatization will impact the many aspects of politics - political culture, politicians and the political institutions. All of these are bound to change in reaction to the changes that will happen in line with privatization. The changes and resulting reactionary change can either be positive or negative.

A. Impact on political institutions

Political institutions, like the party and the political organizations acting in support of or against the Communist party, will be significantly affected by the economic development with the entry of privatization practices. This is because these political institutions function are dependent and dictated by both political and economic situation and condition in place inside a particular country. If there are changes in these two spheres as radical as the move towards privatization, it is expected that these political institutions will also be affected one way or another. One of the possible impacts of privatization towards political institutions is the change in the concept of and bearer of social power, vis--vis the change in the composition of the power strata. Political institutions that previously monopolized social power, influence and clout will have to adjust and make room for new holders of power and clout in the social level.

Change in power and power strata - Politics and economics is about power and influence. If there are changes in these two realms, automatically the nature of power will change also. The change may mean that original power and power holders retain their status or even experience improvement, or the opposite. Another possibility is that the previous power holders have to learn to share the power with a new group of individuals. The social strata are changed so that there is room for the new entities. Because of the change in power and power distribution, political institutions need to re-evaluate how they relate to, interact and coexist with the new sections and entities inside the power strata of the society.

The rise of the middle class - Another important aspect in the socio political change is the creation of a new group, which is identified as the middle class. Observers believe that privatization will help in allowing the middle class to rise and become an influential group. And with the rise of the middle class comes the need once again to re-arrange the state of power in the society and the distribution and exercise of power. Middle class, and its rise to significance in the society, depends on privatization in some degree. That is why, many observers who are in favor of this criticizes the practice of taking alternatives versus true and genuine privatization, noting that through this delaying tactics and effort, the middle class and its growth and rise to prominence is being hampered (Lindau, Cheek, 1998, p. 117). Marketization without privatization, however, will not provide the economic base for an autonomous middle class (Lindau, Cheek, 1998, p. 117).
The problem of marketization without privatization is one of the problems hindering Chinas development and economic change towards privatization. One of the examples of this is the township and village enterprises. The prevalence of this in rural areas and the fact that this practice encourages marketization without privatization, it hinders direct privatization, and in the process, denies the development and change that is set to happen in China once the economic upheaval is experienced through privatization (Lindau, Cheek, 1998, p. 117). TVEs themselves are examples of marketization without privatization, thus preventing the emergence of an autonomous middle class in rural areas (Lindau, Cheek, 1998, p. 117).

Change in political entities - One of the political changes that will result from privatization is found in the changes in the behavior of political entities. In China, the dominant political entity is the Communist Party. Once privatization takes place, the study on the comparison of how the Communist Party behaved before and after privatization will reflect noticeable changes. The change in behavior of the political party is a result of the change that happens around it. The Communist Party cannot assume that it will not be affected by the political and economic change in China. There will be the re-distribution of power and the political roles of many entities involved in the political and economic sphere will change in line with the changes that will happen in the economic roles and responsibilities of the different parts of the Chinese economic machine at the onset of privatization. Along with it is the reactionary change that the Communist Party will manifest as what some analysts predict, the Communist Party now will learn to compete and must relinquish previous monopolized hold on the economic powers (Tsui, Bian, Cheng, 2006, p. 313). Transitional economies vary widely in the extensiveness of regime change - defined as the degree to which, prior to or simultaneous with the onset of market reform, Communist Party hierarchies lose their political monopoly and must compete with other organized entities for political power (Tsui, Bian, Cheng, 2006, p. 313).

B. Impact on Political Culture

Political culture is bound to change because of the change in economy, particularly as a result of the onset of privatization. This is because political culture is affected not just exclusively by politics and political events, but also by other events in the society, one of which (and in significant degree) the economic changes.
Corruption - China has its problems with corruption by government officials. One of the reasons in the past is because of the practices that are created and sustained because of the system of having the economy run by the state. With the entry of privatization, there will be a change in the aspect of corruption, but it is important to stress that there is no definitive answer if the change pertains to positive change (which would mean less or decreased cases and tendencies of corruption or less individuals participating in corruption) or negative change (which means the condition of corruption will grow worse than before.

Change emergence of a new political struggle hinged on economic goals - Privatization will bring forward new political struggle. For example, the privatization of township and village enterprises or simply TVEs during the 1990s feature the struggle politically of those who are in favor of privatization in the TVE sector versus those who oppose this move, largely as an act of protecting their own interests, and using political authority to subvert and repress such move. The political struggle will come about especially when people use the idea of economic growth as a legitimate reason to push for the economic and political changes. They would cite the manner by which China has risen to economic importance and stability (Li, 2004, p. 108). In only two decades, China has transformed itself from a dormant introspective giant into a dynamic powerhouse of major potential significance in the world of economy (Li, 2004, p. 108), and use this to legitimize calls for action that impacts economic and political change. The completion of the privatization move inside the country will be not just an economic struggle but a political struggle as well.

The problem with China is that its economics and politics are intertwined and the string that binds them is that which is made of individuals who profit through the use of political clout to control local economics. Those who illegally profit from this illegal powers and exercise of illegal transactions will most likely move towards the blocking of any change in socio economic status quo in fear of losing what they had in the past, blocking not just privatization but development and the new opportunity for other people who is set to enjoy the benefits of privatization. The privatization will move people towards pursuing struggle to attain the change knowing that they can benefit from it. Once the social struggle begins like the case of the struggle for TVEs in the 90s, there will be two or more blocs fighting this struggle. The result will either strengthen the prior ruling political blocs and groups or there will be a change in the socio political and socio economic status quo in local and national levels, in the process, creating a new political and economic power strata that will be peopled by a new set of individuals and groups that possess a new set of power, influence and clout brought about by the economic change and the resulting social and political change.

New problems, new policies created in the political level - The culture of political problem detection and problem solving will be affected by the change. There are many ways in how this can happen. Here is an example - hypothetically, the privatization will result in economic boom. The economic boom, in return, will result to the increase in factories, mills, offices and production sites and buildings that are fuelling the economic boom, which results to the rise of environmental problems. The environmental problems now become a focal point and issue in the policy-creation and problem solving tasks of the political system in place in China. This will not be limited to hypothetical exploration. As some analysts have pointed out, this is a real possibility that countries, like China, have to deal with in relation to the entry of privatization (Szelenyi, 1998, p. 92). Marketization and privatization - the mantras of the reform movement - have introduced new, qualitatively different, and deeply troubling environmental problems (Szelenyi, 1998, p. 92). The change in this scenario is viewed in the fact that because of the string of events, previously unnoticed problems or problems that does not exist in the past becomes a significant cause of concern now. Because of the importance of economic growth, the political system is now constrained to immediately act upon the issue but without upsetting or reversing the economic growth being experienced by the country (Fin, Heberer, Taubmann, 2006, p. 287).  In the book talking about economic and social change in China in the 20th century, the authors explained that if strict and controlled regulations are not introduced soon, in some rural regions it might become almost impossible to cope with the environmental damage, despite many new regulations (Fin, Heberer, Taubmann, 2006, p. 287).

Democratization - The change in the economics in China and the use of privatization to achieve, in part, the perceived change was received in the political and economic sphere with varying reactions, anticipations and inhibitions. Some were openly questioning of there is indeed the possibility of political change at the onset of and as a result of the privatization, wondering if the political system in China at place is not as strong as it may seem and would yield to the changes that privatization will bring along with it.
Some accepted the fact already, that the country and its people, its economy and politics are all facing privatization and the resulting change. Even though it was something that the selected few genuine leftist are not overly excited about considering its capitalist and consumerist qualities that are not in alignment with Communist beliefs, tenets and practices, this was not enough to stop privatization dead on its track. On the contrary, it was allowed to enter the lives of the Chinese, in anticipation of the biggest political change of all - the move towards democratization.

Many believed that the economic change was a jump off point to a more important political change. Through the privatization, the country will be designed in a way that in few years, it is already suitable to adapt to another change, this time a political one and is a result of privatization, and that is the entry of democratization inside China, affecting its life, its people, its society and its economics and politics (Dickson, 2003, p. 116).
Will the emergence and growth of private entrepreneurs lead to the transformation of Chinas political system This is the hope of many observers of Chinese politics, and also the fear of the remaining leftists within the CCP. The former group wants to encourage the continuation of privatization in China, expecting that privatization will lead to the formation of a civil society which in turn will lead to eventual democratization (Dickson, 2003, p. 116).

This political change is expected, especially if there are many people and social entities that are against the manner by which the existing political system handles the economy. The economic change and the resulting political change should equally both be the main goals since both are important to change the current status of economic and political system and to make the change in these two spheres something that will last for longer than short term (Des Forges, Luo, Wu, 1993, p. 230). In any country with a predominantly state-run economy, privatization is bound to be a process parallel to democratization in order to undermine an omnipotent bureaucracy (Des Forges, Luo, Wu, 1993, p. 230).

Change of economic role of politics - According to Lindau and Cheek (1998), one of the components of the economic liberalization in China includes the states role shifting from micromanaging these enterprises to macroeconomic management of the economy (Lindau and Cheek, 1998, p. 117). Privatization will allow them to do that. Indeed, there will be political changes. This is manifested in how the politics will act in terms of its direct and indirect responsibilities to the economy. Just as what Lindau and Cheeks explained, the shift of the politics and its role in economics will be significant and important and will impact how politics function, especially as a reaction to economics (Lindau and Cheek, 1998, p. 117).

Agent of change - Another change in the political sphere that is expected to happen as a result of economic
reforms via the privatization of industries inside China is the designation of new roles, particularly the discovery of the new strata or group in the society that wields power and influence over the society and how this new strata will be the new source of development and change, including modernization, and even democratization in the case of communist countries transitioning towards a privatized economy. In the past and prior to the onset of privatization, the key agent of change in the society is either the government and its agencies, departments and leaders, or the people who, en masse made revolutionary movements, albeit everyone is working under government rule since prior to privatization, industries and the jobs are state-controlled.

This often leads to a stagnated society. The eventuality of change happening or someone or something triggering change is very little because control and power over significant aspects like economics are controlled and monopolized by a particular entity (the government). But with privatization, with the creation of new strata and the new source of people that will wield their own share of power over the society to affect change, what is created also is the reality that there is a new source of power that can be used for change, and in the process, the state is being replaced not just in ownership and control, but also when it comes to power to influence change (Heberer, 2003, p. 1). We argue that the privatization process...is a bottom-up privatization process and led to the formation of new entrepreneurial strata and began at least partially to replace the state as an agency of development and modernization (Heberer, 2003, p. 1).

Privatization is all the more supported because of the belief of economic and political analysts that what the government can do in the past, private firms can duplicate today, and even surpass in many cases. Government entities are considered to have the ability to plan for projects and undertake the creation of infrastructure to support business. However, the monopoly of government agencies of this action is now a thing of the past because as analysts pointed out, these same functions are easily doable to many private firms (Tanzi, Chu, 1998, p. 40). If this is the case, what is stopping the country from allowing private entities to operate and control some of the enterprises and industries in the country and allow for privatization to take place

C. Impact on politicians

Another aspect of the political sphere that will experience change in different ways as a result of privatization is the politicians. These individuals have the power to isolate themselves as an elite group. They can also become prominent political entities even when they are not genuinely political in nature, at least not in the manner by which politicians are political. Capitalists now form an important part of the political system after their integration to the political system as initiated by the Chinese Communist Party and as a response to the economic change because of privatization (Stanford University, 2009). Politicians and political leaders will react to the entry of privatization in many different ways.

One of the changes is the change regarding how they see themselves and their role and significance in the society. Privatization is expected to bring out a new group of individuals that possess significant power and clout in the form of businessmen, in the form of entrepreneurs and in the form of the economic elites (Dickson, 2003, p. 116). Since China adopted the policy of reform and opening up, the composition of Chinas social strata has changed to some extent. There are, among others, entrepreneurs (Dickson, 2003, p. 116). As a reaction to this, politicians, who in the past did not have to live with the presence of other non-political individuals who possess as much power and clout (and money), now have to reconsider how this situation can work to their best interest. Most of them will make a move to forge alliance with the new group, if only to protect their own power base or what would be left of it once the new group composed of businessmen and entrepreneurs started flexing their muscles in the economic and political circles. Some politicians may even make the shift from being a politician to being a business, or even try to juggle doing both.

They are in an excellent position since they have the privilege and leverage brought about by their current political position to help them secure and establish their paths outside or parallel to their political career. Those who will remain strictly political will realize the need to foster amiable relationship with the entrepreneurs and businessmen especially in the local level. While those who will venture towards becoming businessmen and entrepreneurs themselves will have to face many obstacles and hurdles, like the question of double jeopardy during the transition from politician to business, the questions on abuse of power, and if the politician can fit in inside the new group especially once the entrepreneurs and businessmen have managed to form their own elite group and once they realize the power they have. Politicians behavior will change. How they approach the tasks involved in their being a politician will now include and involve the consideration on how the businessmen and or entrepreneur group will react to such actions, and if the repercussions coming from this group is something that the politician is willing to accept.

Again, the change is because of the change that happened to power - who holds it and how many are them and the degree of power that a group or individual can exercise over the other and over the society. This group of people (businessmen) has the power to create a pipeline of financial support leading inside particular communities, which will benefit, directly and indirectly, local politicians. Although businessmen that give money back to the community, they do not make their intentions clear. People are wondering if this was a result of goodwill so that the community can have better roads and schools and infrastructure, if this is a result of the pressure from political leaders, or if this is the way of entrepreneurs and business to make sure that other people who are not financially blessed as they are at the onset of privatization will remain content and not challenge the status quo of the economics and politics (Dickson, 2003, p. 117). What is important is that the political realm finds a new ally in civic assistance and the society now does not have to rely solely on what the government can do for them since privatization creates entrepreneurs and businessmen who can give aid and support to communities, particularly poor and depressed communities.

Politicians and political groups now move towards wooing in the new leaders of the economic-political sphere as a result of privatization in China. This is the economic elites, the entrepreneurs, which are expected to support the agendas of those supportive of them and their cause in return (Stanford University, 2009). The changes that will manifest in politicians will contribute to the overall political change experienced by China as a result of the economic change due to privatization.

What bothers critics is not only the thought of politicians becoming businessmen and entrepreneurs and shifting into the other side, but the thought of the opposite, when entrepreneurs and businessmen became more significantly involved in politics. And worse, if it is the result of their own volition and consciousness and not just by mere chance that these people are openly working for more role, power and clout in the society, which will make them dangerous to the society, to the people, to the system and to themselves as well, especially once these individuals take the role of political manipulators and through their financial capability use their power and clout to undermine or use to their advantage political practices that can make them even more powerful. Like for example, the tampering of election processes and election results so that it turns out favorable for their particular group (Dickson, 2003, p.116). If private entrepreneurs are allowed into the party, some of them may even use their economic strength to stage-manage grass-roots level elections and control grass-roots organizations. This will have serious political ramifications (Dickson, 2003, p.116). And although the political ramifications are not really 100 per cent crystal clear so far since the privatization has not be complete yet and the effects are not yet completely understood, documented and studied by professionals, it does not mean that the worst possible manifestation of the political ramification will be avoided. In fact, it is better to anticipate for the worse. As China tries to get used to the economic reform, it is also addressing problematic aspects and weeding out and pruning the economic and political processes even before it becomes deeply rooted like traditional economic and political problems that has long been criticized and was subjected to the need for change and reform. Some of the entrepreneurs and businessmen forming the economic elite will realize the power they wield and become more conscious of their social roles, particularly their role in identifying local political leaders. There is the tendency that the economic elite will opt for supporting candidates who run for elections in the basis of belief in agenda and platform. The support was because they support the candidates and their political agenda, and in turn, political leaders will also seek the support of these individuals. The reliance on the support of the entrepreneur reflects generally one of the noticeable changes in politics and in the political system (Dickson, 2003, p. 116), since in the past when there is no such thing as powerful non-political economic elite the political practices of these political leaders do not include such consideration.

Changes in economic policy directions and approach by political leaders - Part of the political sphere and realm is the plotting of economic directions by political leaders. With the change in economic design and structure, there are also expected changes not just in the people who will now plot the economic directions, but more importantly, how the people will now move to plot the future economic directions of the country now that it is experiencing the impact and effects of privatization. An example of the change in economic policy directions influenced by the political leaders is the alliance of local government leaders and those which are called economic elites especially those who function in the local sphere.

The political leaders in the local level knows that the shift of economic design will make them more amenable to new opportunities for profit, as well as for development, if the economic change pushes through. That is why, they give their support to the economic elites, in the hope that the economic elites, once given what they want which is economic decentralization and privatization, will not forget those who supported them. Because this is happening in the local level, business that will become private and operate in the local level will most likely interact with the local politics, which in turn, can use the favorable relationship of the economic elites and the local political leaders. Political agenda in the local level is given support and assistance by the privatized entities, particularly financial support.

This is an ideal and positive vision for the possible future in consideration to privatization in China. However, the problem is that this similar situation can be used by the local political entities for their own profit and financial gain and can be a factor in the worsening of corruption in the local government level. Once the local government politicians mediate for the cause of the economic elites in the hope that the economic elites goals are realized, the local government politicians, the political culture and the political institution in the local level, in a way, betrays the national government and failed to perform the role as political agents that should have been working and functioning for, and not against, the central government.

There is a belief that the only thing constant is change. For China and its economy, that belief has been true and has been felt through out Chinas history considering the many different changes that happened and impacted the economy and politics of China, then and now. In this paper, the thrust is looking at the impact of privatization as an economic reform towards the politics and the political aspect of the modern day contemporary China. It appears that in many different spheres and parts of the political realm, the change that privatization has brought forward will be significantly felt and manifested. Privatization is all about change because it changes the role of the state in the economy, and as a result, will also change many economic and political aspects of the society. Moreover, the change is characterized by struggle since those affected by privatization and by the resulting change have different roles, different responsibilities and different stakes in the economic-political structure of the country. This results to struggles and clashes among groups and individuals as change is taking place. A decrease in state economic power is best achieved through widespread and thorough privatization this means fragmentation of economic power among many people with different, often clashing interests and, at the same stroke, a boost in economic efficiency and productivity (Zuzowski, 1998, p. 22).

China should be commended for making the brave step towards change even if it means breaking away from traditional economic practices and beliefs. The forward thinking attitude of China has allowed the country to experiment regarding what other economic options can do for them. In analysis and observation, it is noticeable that China has already undertaken numerous economic reforms. China has instituted far-reaching economic reforms - trade liberalization, deregulation and the privatization of state-owned companies. The economic reforms have represented...fundamental departures from the earlier practices (Li, 2004, p. 105).
All of these economic developments have supremely re-shaped the features of the economic facet of Chinese social life, but the analysis should not be limited to that. There should be equal focus to political changes, which can be good or bad, depending on the perspective of the one looking and observing. Pro democratization will laud economic developments because of its role in paving the way for social democratization in the future. Whereas, some may think that privatization can either be the first step, or a mere stepping stone towards what other people really want - a change in the political system. The idea of whether or not the change is good or bad remains arguable, but the certain thing is that the change impacted both economic and political spheres inside China.

How the Staley Workers Can Win a Fair Contract

WATT  I hope you clearly understand the main origin and objectivity of unions. Labor Unions were established as critical tools to supplement organizations and their operations in facilitating the best environment that workers can operate in to facilitate their holistic objectivity. I must lament greatly at this point on the far that people have gone towards misleading the people about the key objectives of our organization. It is critical that the public is given the correct picture of the labor organizations and their role in the society and therefore facilitate the ability to make the most informed decisions before joining them. The crucial role of the workers unions is to help the employees get the best from their work while facilitating the employers maximizes their profits (John and Claus 74).

GLEN While sharing same sentiments with you indeed appear appealing, it is very crucial for the audience to be given nothing but the facts if their choices to seek help from the union when drawing their contracts are to be effected. Your views are indeed only theoretical and lack the necessary vigor that you have presented in practice. Notably, the need to facilitate the employees and the employers success has been highly publicized, however, why doesnt Mr. WATT provide two examples of any labor unions that has achieved the above objectives. Indeed, as recent researchers indicate, the holistic agenda is a cut and paste from the nineteenth century when the workers unions used to be guided by real objectivity (George and Athina 120-122).

WATT  Recent statistics indicate that over sixty percent of the workers in the United States are unionized. Further statistics indicates that most of the companies that do not allow their members to join or form unions are often oppressive to them in their contractual application. It is from this consideration that Mr. GLEN might be wrong in that companies have over the years failed to honor their trust to their employees. Therefore, the following objectives of having the employers and the workers unions negotiate should also be understood. To begin with, unions assist the employees with a better negotiating table for their contractual demands with their employees. At this point, I would like to bring to your attention that most of the employees lack the necessary skills and courage for negotiating with their employers with their employers (Logan 651-652). Any employer will definitely agree that once an employee is convinced that their issues are dealt with effectively, they tend to concentrate and out more efforts on their work.

GLEN Besides, unions have equally remained highly offensive and indeed only seek to make their names in cases of strikes. While unions are supposed to be at the center stage in supporting companies towards maintaining the necessary sustainability and therefore facilitating the necessary national economic support to nation, they have failed totally in that duty. Indeed, one would only wish for the old unions get back.

WATT One of the key tenets that have facilitated the current high demand for workers unions is their ability to mediate between the members and their employers at all levels. While acknowledging that differences will always emerge, unions act as rational platform for addressing workers and therefore preventing major damages. Notably, all the unions have labor specialists who are able to weigh and reason with the employer to arrive at the best possible agreements that are fit for both parties (Straume 653).

GLEN Indeed the current demands for a union are not justified. Presently, all the companies strictly follow established labor laws and occupational hazards in the at all levels. Besides, the present globalization trends dictates the acceptance of a given product depending on ethics employed in their production at all levels.

WATT While the debate on the effectiveness of labor laws in addressing and arresting the problem of strikes appear to far from over, I strongly feel that it is the company that fail to adhere to it that form the major problem in its implementation.  According to the Taft-Hartley Act, companies are required to establish an effective bargaining system with the employees and avoid coercion to force the striking workers accept their requirements (Logan 651-653).  Other laws that strengthen the need for collective bargaining include the Wegner Act which guarantees all the workers of their rights in their work place it further provided the employees with the rights to choose their leaders in the union.  Finally, the law supports operations of a strike but insist that they must be more careful to avoid abuse of the same rights.

GLEN  Please give all the details to ensure that there is greater comprehension by the audience.  The Landgrum-Act provided further details of bad labor practices and recognizes the critical role played by the court of law in resolving these issues (Romain and Jessica 421-423). It is from this consideration employing a neutral body such as the court of law to address the problems of workers might be more effective.

WATT The events of the last decade of twentieth century and indeed presently gave the employees an upper hand in their reference by the union compared to non members. The presentation therefore indicated not a failure of the system, but effectively brought them to the negotiating table.

GLEN  The last decade of the 20th century indicated the true picture of labor unions. Therefore the severe decline in the union membership presented the unstable nature of the unions and opportunistic outline of the situation. The leaders are presented to harbor key interest in getting to active politics. The unions therefore become a springboard for its leaders towards getting political powers (Eaton and Kriesky 45). It is not until the anomaly is addressed will support by the members be consistent and realistic.

WATT The need to facilitate the unions ability to address all the issues affecting them has culminated to assimilation of the most effective methods to improve their welfare. One such mechanism id the civil disobedience where the members deliberately refuse to follow the laws and regulation until their demands are met. This method should however be carefully employed as the very last options after others have failed.

GLEN Civil disobedience is an ancient method of addressing the problems faced by the society. It is indeed very sad that even the 21st century has met unions still implementing it (Vanessa 58). It is critical that unions drop this tactic and assimilate better mechanisms of negotiating with the employers. Indeed, Mr. WATT, please take note that 21st century is based on the need to provide possible solutions as opposed to becoming part of the problem.

WATT Another tactic mostly employed by the unions to gather support from both the members and the respective companies is the corporate campaigns for the unions. The corporate campaigns therefore sought to gather the best methodology for uncovering possible fraud, mismanagement, and other key events in the management that can be employed either privately or publicly to achieve the objectives of the union (Eaton and Kriesky 45-47).

GLEN It is from the above consideration that indeed, Mr. Watt should be able to explain what the values of the union are. Lack of clear truthfulness therefore culminated to the employers getting more support from the employees who view their systems to be increasingly more reflective to their demands and ethical application.

WATT Though I agree of the needed critical reevaluation to facilitate greater objectivity, it is also worth noting that it has been a center stage in educating its members, uniting them, and mobilizing them toward various initiatives on their welfare. It is this consideration that the need to comprehend issues related to contracts become much easier for both the employers and the employees union representatives.

GLEN While the notion of education and unifying the members is indeed good, it must be done effectively to reduce the creation of negative solidarity which is very destructive. However, the latter is very hard to prevent once the former has been effected.

WATT The ability to maintain the necessary ideals in the union anchors the needed trust by the members of the union. It is particularly important to note that the democratic system facilitate the members ability to choose their leaders. Application of hierarchical structure on the other hand further augments leadership by giving them the needed professional space for their propositions.

GLEN The democracy and bureaucracy denoted by the unions should be weighed against the current companys management where the need to involve the employees is taken from the highest level to the lower levels of management through teamwork and effective information technology application.

WATT While many people continue indicating their views on the shifting orientation of labor unions from social movements to business unionism, the same notion is untrue. The drive that anchors the union is not the actual financial consideration that is driven from its moves, but the need to have an ethical society where respect for human rights and their dignity is upheld (Straume 645-646).

GLEN But your unions for the last five years has strongly been involved in wages disputes, compensation, and business like relation it appears more business oriented as opposed to social outlook.

WATT To further maintain the needed relevance at the local and international level, an international outlook is essential.  An intensive network with other unions, pressure groups and religious activists has been established to facilitate the needed image and indeed reinforcement when it is needed.  This will maintain the necessary forces at the national level for the union and the entire fraternity.

GLEN This solidarity is a disaster in waiting as the key objective is indeed not positive. The consideration is especially crucial when executed by people who have various political interests. Besides, it may facilitate tuning of simple resolvable problems into national catastrophes where the solidarity manifests itself with speed.
The most contentious subject that surrounds terrorism is how the government responds to it. This argument stems from the nature of terrorism, which is dual that is, it contains both military and criminal aspects. The government, in order to fight terrorism, ought to deal with criminals who may possess the ability, organization and sophistication for aggression of an armed (military) force. Counter-terrorism that is effective should therefore be of both military operations and law-enforcement techniques that are traditional. Military involvement is often applied as an approach to fight terrorism. This particular strategy is being discussed a lot about its effectiveness, or the lack thereof, scrupulous analysis on the impact of military involvement on terrorism has been uncommon. This paper is going to asses if direct military action is the best way to deal with terrorism problem.

Theoretically, the impact of military involvement has two components the spill-over military-intervention impact stirred by other causes of terrorism and military-intervention impact that targets terrorism per se. Some military interventions are applied to get revenge on terrorism. Others involve various reasons excluding or including counter-terrorism. To this effect, a combined impact of military involvement on terrorism is modelled and analysed in most nations. This analysis has implications for both practices in counter terrorism and terrorism research.

Measures to fight against terrorism should be envisioned as effective ways as they are not in themselves a reflection of terrorism that is imposed by the nation in the name of war-against-terrorism. If the policies that are being developed by a nation are shot in violence, their citizens need to get protection against terrorist attacks in future by maximizing internal security. The violence that is exercised against the poor and the worlds weaker individuals is surprising because it is getting to a significant proportion in the spread of democracy and war against terrorism, that one can wonder about the impact of military intervention and the fight that is against terrorism can lead to destruction and death as seen to the Iraqi and Afghani citizens, that further leads to hatred and dispel desperation that can make one loose faith in a democratic action that is collaborative. For example, the killings of Palestinian citizens by a regular laser, nuclear, and technologically equipped military are being qualified as self-defence.

Terrorism has been in existence and has been nurtured by oppression and injustice and is connected to extremism that can be religious, racial, political or sexual. In our current post-modern or modern times, the most common form of significant terrorism is related to spiritual fundamentalism entrenching in various parts of the world such as the United States, Arab countries, Asia and Israel.

It is evident that Al Qaeda has unprecedented safety operations by security and military forces all over the globe. In fact, they have evolved, grown and adapted into global insurgency that is even more deadly. This insurgency does not contain a direct authority that is centralized, and it is not linked to the Al Qaeda, but includes groups that are local and are stirred by radical ideology that is usually driven by factors like occupation of Iraq and invasion by the United States and geared grievances that can either be social, economic or local political.

American Counter terrorism policy usually weighs towards a murder or arrest approach that targets bad people. This attack usually assumes that the contemporary enemies (insurgents of Iraq and Al Qaeda) of the United States have a centre of operation. Moreover, it also assumes that terrorists need to be arrested or murdered to prevent global terrorism on Iraq. Therefore, the United States intelligence community and military has to be attentive and ought to have a uniform direction towards protecting the forces of United States or capturing militant leaders.

Is military force the best way to deal with the problem of terrorism 
Military interventions and mass-massacres by coalition troops are not seen as terrorism but are described as democratizing and civilizing missions that are used to prevent the world high rates of terrorism. In order to fight terrorism for humanity, more powerful and less powerful terrorism needs to be fought to expose this violence. Military intervention of a country assists to fight against terrorism for democracy or humanity. This can help to oppose an individual terrorist such as one who blows himherself up or throws bombs to kill others. About three-thousand individuals were murdered by terrorists who were engineered by circles.
The attention of the intelligence community and United States military is uniformly directed towards protecting the United States forces and bringing down militant leaders, but not towards understanding your enemy. The United States, after September 2001 attacks, made military a top priority to deal with terrorism and other threats that can harm American citizens. This direct military action insisted on a pre-emptive and unilateral approach and it was acceptable on basis that established concepts of prevention may not work against terrorists who affirmed strategies that were unjustifiable to destruction and the innocents were targeted. Therefore, the United States implemented an approach that was described as a direct policy that insisted on Direct military action. The difficulty with this approach is that military action has never won any counter-terrorism.

The United States approach is one-dimensional and unilateral, and it insists on direct application of military-force to fight the war against terrorism. Given its economic and military power, an approach that was historical to terrorism and a sturdy pressure that was ether political or domestic might have been expected. A good example is the approach by the United States government of law enforcement while responding to the World Trade Centre bombing, on 26th February 1993, in New York City where six people were murdered and more than a thousand others were wounded. The investigation of bombing was handled by FBI agents and five assistant U.S. attorneys were to take care of the prosecution. Islamic fundamentalists groups were apprehended and then tried and sentenced for the offence. Various approaches have been used by the United States to respond to terrorist attacks. The then President Bush W. George warned that our military is powerful and prepared and it will not distinguish between those who committed these crimes and those who harbour them. Furthermore, President Bush assured implementation of broader counter-terrorism efforts which will rely much more on usage of military forces.

In contrast to bombers, terrorists that hijacked four airplanes did not escape but died along with their hostages. After the United States realized that they belonged to Al Qaeda terrorist network (a group based in Afghanistan and led by Osama bin Laden), Bush emphasized that their response to September 2001 attack will involve targeting those states that overlook terrorism, and warned that in each nation, each region can make a decision on its own and a neutral ground does not exist. A government that funds murderers and outlaws of innocents is itself a murderer and an outlaw and will participate at its own risk. Bush statements were framed a greater campaign to fight terrorism beyond destroying or capturing Al Qaeda network, and ensuring removal of support systems and stopping nations that support terrorism. This is why it will involve direct military force in order to stop criminals.

The fight against terrorism was not supported and shared by some dissenters. The concept of terrorism that was supported by a state was questioned. Terrorism does not require much of the base as well as it does not require identifiable resources of a government. It is dangerously irrelevant to search for those states that sponsor terrorism but the causes of terrorism should be fought. This means that the military can be used to deal with misery and despair in nations like Afghanistan. All available means should be strived to bring peace in the Middle-East. Declaring war on terrorism is dangerous because it involves using the US overwhelming power to destroy those organizations that espouse terrorism. This may not remove the course of terrorism from the arsenal of the distracted. The US will continue to reinforce its military as the only weapon on the war against terrorism.

Critics of the fight against terrorism have not only questioned the morality of using direct military force against those nations that fund terrorism but also its effectiveness. As Kchler puts it, the United States practice of aerial-bombardment cannot be defined from thirty-thousand feet. One cannot further guarantee absolute accuracy and civilian victims are inevitable. Even if they are justified, does it not amount to terror tactics Laqueur Walteremphasized that military actions that are in Afghanistan ought to be subscribed by political objectives that are limited and performed with a minimum number of civilian victims.

While conducting and in preparation for the Operation Enduring Freedom (Afghanistan attack), the United States officials were conscious of the concerns of dissenters, and they insisted on how latest other-weapon technologies and complicated targeting mechanisms would assist to reduce resident casualties in Afghanistan. Moreover, the US targeted those governments that fund terrorism but not individuals living under such regimes. Terrorist and the Quest article described that their main opponent is the universal-network of terrorist-organizations and the state that is funding them. Though military can be engaged against foreign nations that fund terrorism, allies can be sought from the people that are oppressed by these governments.
During the Operation Enduring Freedom, this led to the elimination of Taliban from power (not the arrest of Bin Laden), followers and critics of the fight against terrorism debated on whether the fighting in Afghanistan was rewarded in a manner that was just. In the meantime, the international community and Americans were prepared by the United States leaders for engagements in future. The U.S Department of State in their Against an Islamophobia An analysis of global-terrorism article listed 7 nations that were thought by the United States to be funding terrorism and they included Sudan, Cuba, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Iran, and North Korea. In the Against an Islamophobia article, President Bush emphasized that the fight against terrorism in Afghanistan will not end. He went on to discuss the dangers mass destruction weapons (that can either be biological, chemical or nuclear) can have while in the terrorists hands, and to select three countries as targets in the fight against terrorism. We ought to prevent those regimes that support terror from frightening our friends or America with mass destruction weapons. These weapons are pursued aggressively in Iran. Iran usually displays its hostility to the Americans for their support of terror. These states comprise an affiliation of evil, thus frightening the peace of the world. These nations create a great danger by seeking mass destruction weapons. The US will not allow regimes that are considered dangerous to frighten us with weapons that are most destructive in the world.

Though most of the public continues to support the fight against terrorism, the view of an everlasting military involvement continues to get criticisms from human-rights activists and pacifists, as well as from those who undermined President Bush efforts by having in mind that he was going beyond his presidential authority limits. As per the Revolutionary sorting from terrorist, editors railed Bush sees himself as an imaginative Constitution or the Congress to remunerate his world-wide war on terrorisms and nations that support terrorists. President Bush declared Our nation is at war, but he never inquired or got an official pronouncement of war from the Congress.  After he was given authorization (by the Congress) to apply force, that force was limited to nations, groups or individuals that are connected to the terrorism attacks of 11th September 2001. Nevertheless, he was not permitted by the Congress a carte blanche to remunerate the fight against all and any terrorists anywhere, or against nations that seek nuclear, chemical or biological weapons. It is important to apply this strategy (military force) if the fight against terrorism is usually political we should focus on the objectives that are political. The war on terrorism does only contain mounting body counts of militants or military victories that are captured or exterminated. One has to not only measure success basing on decline on attacks, terrorists morale being collapsed, and increase in safety amongst ordinary citizens but also in the improvement that is significant in the general reputation and political standing of the United States in the eyes of communities. It is authenticity that the Muslim world and the United States need to marginalize the ideologues that are radical.

The dispute whether the United States should apply direct military action against these countries became predominantly intense when President Bush insisted on the need to pre-emptively hit at terrorist intimidation. He emphasized that they will have to wait for too long if they wait for intimidations to emerge. They ought to take the fight to the enemy, interfere with his strategies, and deal with the worst intimidations before they materialize. On the other hand, the comments of President Bush echoed the accord in the counter-terrorism society because it is not possible to guard against every probable terrorist attack, a policy that is more effective is used to neutralize and identify terrorists intimidations before they are performed. The United States has given itself the right to-go-to war the moment it sees danger from unfriendly nations.  What will be the outcome in circumstances where other regimes follow the United States lead, and integrate into their planned thoughts (for example, in a case where armed India decides to attack Pakistans nuclear armed, terrorists camps) This will result in global anarchy. A debate over the Bush doctrine rejuvenated established foreign policy controversies over whether the US should multilaterally be in an agreement with the United Nations or should act unilaterally to guard the interests of the United States.

The ineffectiveness of using direct military action can be seen in counter-terrorism early stages in the Northern Ireland that had long-term terrorism as a result of heavy handed responses. The Northern Ireland only achieved its success through long-term diplomatic and political initiatives. Initial heavy handedness of direct military action in Malaya in the 1950s was ineffective, until the implementation that included attempts that were serious in addressing social, political or economic grievances that underpinned insurgency.
Military attack is a form of self-defence and a right that is recognized by both the national and international law, that is, right to defend home, means of substance, water and life. Under such circumstances there is no difference between a terrorist who is hopeless, hungry and humiliated, who blows oneself up so as to murder those whom one believes is the course of misery and a soldier who hunts, destroys, harasses and shoots at every instant so as to grab what is not his.

Direct military action can sometimes help to fight the war against terrorism for humanity because of its determination and its ability to mobilize individuals for justice and peace. To do this, the military assist individuals to look at the cultural, economical, social and political impacts of strategies of ruling a minority who are only able to maintain their power through war, aggression and materialization. Military have nuclear weapons that act as a means of protection, against terrorist attacks that are probable, specifically preventive strikes that were sanctioned by the Bush administration.  

Military action against Iraq            
The debate that followed the remarks of President Bush at West Point was because of rumours circulating in the media that the Bush government planned to attack Iraq and take out Saddam Hussein from power. The idea was accepted by some foreign policy who argued that Iraq harboured an armoury of chemical and biological weapons and funded international terrorism though the evidence was not enough to support these charges. The United States will be violating international law if it attacked Iraq without the approval of the United Nations

President Bushs case against Iraq was made in 2002 before the United Nations General Assembly, to the point of the human-rights violation of the Iraq government against its own citizens, and its history of non-cooperation with the United Nation inspection of weapons that was forced on Iraq after the Persian Gulf War in Iraq. The administration of Bush debated all through the winter that mass destruction weapons were being harboured in Iraq in defiance of the resolutions of United Nations and the want for change in administration. The United States proposals to forcibly overthrow Saddam were opposed by key United Nation Members such as Russia, Germany and France. President Bush declared that Iraq would be invaded by the United States despite the fact that it is getting opposition from the United Nations. No country can possibly allege that Iraq is not armed, and will not disarm itself as long as Saddam Hussein is still in power. Some individuals in the Security Council have declared publicly that they will prohibit any decree that compels the disarmament of Iraq. Our assessment of danger can be shared by these governments. The dangers of inaction are far greater. Iraqs power to impose harm on every free nation would increase as many times as possible.

The conflict between Iraq and America is one characteristic of a broader subject of what duty should be played by military force in countering terrorism that has been funded by a state. The next phase of the fight against terrorism will be military action against Iraq. President Bush commented on the first-anniversary of September 11 terrorist attacks American has entered a great struggle that tests our strength, and even more our resolve.  These views explain whether military actions are justified to fight against terrorism. The fight against terrorism is based in Iraq or Afghanistan, that is, within the worldwide Muslim community hearts and minds. Political issues should be addressed so as to minimize socioeconomic disparities, to build institutions and implement systems of governance.  

Comprehensive and multilateral approach can be implemented to control terrorism through winning the minds and hearts of the Muslim world where most terrorists are placed. Uni-dimensional and unilateral approach, that is used by the United States needs to be abandoned because it has been unsuccessful in both Iraq and the US fight against terrorism. War has an exact definition in international law and does not involve itself with terrorism. Moreover, war is problematic as it puts emphasis on military action and an end-state of triumph, though this is defined. Al Qaeda is being transformed from a global threat that is general to a global mutiny that facilitates a re-conceptualisation of a plan. It is of our own good for global war to be re-conceptualised not as war but as an operation that is Global-Counter-Insurgency.

If it is to be successful, the new policy has to be bilateral in nature, that is, the need to rely on institutions that are international, norms and laws, together with implementation of a consensus that is international on countering universal terrorism so as to get a universal co-operation that is against it. For instance, the United States has to learn to work with its friends (especially those from Muslim World) and abandon its unilateral trade if a policy that is effective is to contain the new threats of global terrorism.

Moreover, deep domestic roots of alienation and Muslim rage must be fixed in Muslim nations. The causes of alienation and Muslim rage must be recognized whether they lie in social, political, or economic conflicts and issues, whether in Mindano, Palestine, Kashmir and Chechnya or in Western Europe. Muslim agenda that is radical is being fuelled by this alienation. A counter-terrorism policy must be a strategy that is comprehensive and developed to isolate and contain extremists, in which it is necessary to apply military measures though it is not a sufficient means.
When workers feel they are not getting a fair deal from the company they are working for, instead of all of them seeking an audience with the management, it is normal and expected for them to send their union officials to present their grievances (Yates, 111-139).  In most cases, for companies that appreciate the role trade unions play, there is always an amicable solution to issues.

However, there are companies that view trade unions as the devil incarnate.  They do not give the unions the opportunity to operate within the organizations.  Actually, they try to include clauses in employees contracts that deny them the right to union representation.  This, it should be known is going against employee rights which give them the right to union representation (Beachler 265-277). History is riddled with example of instances where unions have played a significant part in shaping the future of worker rights and instances when they have been a total failure and a waste of resource organization.

This paper will look at the goings on in 1995 during a debate held at AWI union hall.  The protagonists in this debate are the UPIU Local 7-837 President Dave Watts and his Vice president Glen Goss.  The president is trying to galvanize support for the ongoing strike action by arguing that the unions strategy is on track and that they are not just reacting to issues and events.  The Vice President on his part, is trying to convince the participants present that three years into the strike action, and with all of them locked out and with their jobs been performed by temporary workers the union strategy has failed.  He is for backing down and accepting the terms being offered by Staley Corporation unconditionally.

WATTS Good evening fellow comrades in arms.  It is wonderful to see all of you out here after the happenings of June 25.  I hope you have had a chance to recover from all that pepper spray (Eyck, 2009).  It is also wonderful to see all these young ones among us.  You know these are the future of what we are doing.  If they do not see and understand why we are striking, it will be very hard to have them understand why we have no steak in the house.  And why the food rations have reduced.  Before we start todays debate, I would like to invite our Vice president Glen Goss to give his opening remarks.

GOSS  Good evening to you all.  It is wonderful to see you all and hope this is the last time we have to meet under these circumstances. I am very sorry to all those who had to endure the paper spray ordeal on June 25th.  As I have said countless times, if it was up to me, we would not be seating here discussing pointless strategies.  Instead we would be at home with our families, having a nice time on full stomachs.  In fact I propose this meeting be ended immediately and a vote be conducted with the sole purpose of accepting Staleys terms and conditions and we return to work tomorrow.  God knows we need the money badly.
WATTS  Relax Goss.  You know very well votes do not just happen.  After all you need to convince them (pointing to those present) to buy into your proposal. Any how back to the agenda at hand.

It is now three years since we voted to reject the new contract offered to us by Staley.  We have come this far because we have all stood together as one family.  We have been very successful in our basic action. To bring to the nations attention, the injustice of Staley Corporation has continued to meet out on us its loyal long time workers.  In line with this I am happy to report that the through our mobilization campaigns we continue to add into our ranks many more sympathizers.  They have identified with our cause.  Let me remind everyone who feels we are not headed in the right direction what happened to the workers of the Pittson Coal Company.  When they could take no more of the reducing remunerations, they resulted to withdrawing their services.  When the company decided to call the strike a bluff, they actively sought support form outside state and country wide.  For their efforts they got 46,000 miners joining them in solidarity by having sympathy strikes across 10 states.  They also got another group of 30,000 nation-wide who had nothing to do with the mining industry join them (Brecher 5-7).  Not only that, through publicity, they got international delegations of workers unions officials join them at the picket lines.  We have certainly done better than them.  Our network of sympathizers is country wide and keeps growing by the day (Zinn  Arnove, 524-533).

GOSS  The one thing that has been truly consistent with Watts is his unwavering belief in this strike action.  This it seems has clouded his vision of things and view of the truth on the ground.  In this room today I see people who have been surviving on two meals a day.  I see people who pray that they do not fall sick since their health insurance has lapsed.  There are among us who are facing foreclosures on our homes because we have fallen so behind on our mortgage payment, they would need a telescope just to locate us in the system.  When we started it was okay because we all believed it was going to last a short time and Staley was going to come around.  Its now three years, Staley is still running and the management is not wavering in their resolve to keep us out.  I believe it is time we accepted that we have truly been outmaneuvered and return to work unconditionally.  Otherwise if we keep this up, we might find we never have our jobs ever again.  Our brother Jim Shinall, chairman of the bargaining committee, has left us and gotten himself gainfully employed elsewhere.  Denton Larrimore is another one who saw no future in our strike and left (Ashby  Hawking, 237-246).  Surely if Jim could see no future, who are we not to take the cue from him

WATTS  In as much I respectfully agree with Goss on the fact that when we voted strike we all truly believed it was not going to be such a long protracted out battle. Having worked closely with Jim, I personally felt let down by his action.  But then, you can not fault a man for making up his mind on an issue, you can only fault his decision. However, it would be unfair on all who have sacrificed their own comforts to join us and yet when we get our jobs back they will not be working with us.  In line with that, the union has already put into gear Operation Pepsi.  From our initial investigation, we can believe we can convince Pepsi not to renew their contract with Staley come December.  We have already started seeing the results if this strategy.  The Macon County Court ruling regarding the seven on the dock the other day.  Since Pepsi values community involvement programs, it is from here we will be starting our agitation from. We already have, from our research, a list of all the events Pepsi is sponsoring between now and December.  We will make sure in all this activities, we will bring out the message that Pepsi must as a matter of principle let go of Staley as one of its suppliers.

GOSS  There goes out President again.   Opening another war front when we do not have enough troops to fight in the fronts we already have.  Some times I think Watts is blind and cannot see.  Looking at the floor, the numbers present are less than a quarter of what we used to have when we started.  Our assistance fund is already depleted.  We can not afford even to give the remaining any assistance.  They continue to languish in poverty in the name of strike action.  This is a shame act.  Personally I do not want to be identified with it.
WATTS  Come on now Goss let us not get ahead of ourselves.  It never helped to advance a populist view and it is so unlike you my brother (Beachler, 311-325).  Let us not try to score propaganda points.  You keep forgetting that even though you won the first round in April by having the membership vote for presentation on a proposal contract, this does not mean it has been ratified.  The truth of the matter concerning the agreed family assistance program is that, even though our finance situation has been dire, we have managed to pay each member the agreed 60 per week picket fee without fail.  Though not a lot and definitely not enough to take care of recurrent expenditures within the households, it does go along way in reducing the burden on the membership.  It also ensures the members do not sleep hungry.  All our members have been adopted and are getting 600 per month checks from our supporters country wide.
I for one do believe we have implemented a winning strategy.  After this meeting, in conjunction with the Road warriors and the Solidarity campaign team, we are going to be upping the publicity campaign.  Remember, we are fighting for the future of this community, and nation.  The continued presence of our young ones is ensuring they understand where the fight is coming from.  Do you remember the first days, when we did not know what precedents had been set  Remember after each meeting when we had been schooled in the history of strikes and walkouts how we felt invigorated and fired up ready to take on the whole world  I am still fired up.  With the cooperation of religious groups, we will continue to use churches to take out our message, and to ask for assistance.  We are also increasing the cooperating with young activists and university students (Babson, 155-178).  They energy and vigor greatly compensates for their lack of knowledge in some of our finer points of contention.  We are however, not giving up on our pickets outside Staley.  Contributions to our kitty also continue to be received.  It is not a lot but it is assisting us to keep the momentum.  We will make sure this is used prudently and not misused.

It my sincere belief that we are about to achieve what we set out to get.  I propose we carry on with the strike action, moving on the next phase of targeting Pepsi among other issues (Garin  Molyneux, 113-126).
The proposal was put to vote and passed.  225 voted to continue with the strike action against 152 who wanted it suspended.  The meeting ended at 8.30 P.M.