Political Science

Brazil is a country that is unique and diverse within Latin America in the sense that Brazil, with more than 173 million inhabitants (2002), is larger than the continental United States (slightly smaller if Alaska is included) and shares land boundaries with all South American countries except Ecuador and Chile. To give insight to uniqueness and diversity, Adler (2006) emphasizes that Latin America is a stark reminder of how the United States was the first hundred years after the Constitution when national security and economic growth were closely connected, this situation is no different when looking at Brazils economy and national security.   As a matter of fact, Brazils rapid economic growth allowed the nation to overcome Argentina as the pre-eminent economic force in South America and yet, has always refrained from displaying overt ambitions to continental leadership and indeed identified clearly with other South American nations, especially those situated in the Rio de la Plata basin. However, there are various factors have contributes to the general economic patters in Brazil interconnected with national security strategies. This is in the sense that there is a relationship between economic growth and the strategic conduct of any developing or undeveloped country (Alberto, 2003).

In terms of national security applicable to brazil situation, the traditional understanding of security needs a redefinition and even a conceptual revision  in its theoretical, structural and operational aspects, to meet the challenge of bolstering relations in the southern hemisphere (Tickner, 1993). These security challenges that face Brazil just like most countries in Latin America as mentioned by Russell, Roberto, (1990), includes high rates of drug smuggling, organized crime, delinquency, immigration, gun violence, social disturbs, and environmental deterioration. Indeed, these are security threats that are very sensitive to any country in the world as its implications have a bearing on national development as a whole.

The economic growth of Brazil has been built over the years through a lot of hardship and hard work from all the stakeholders. Particularly, Brazil had experienced sustained growth at nearly four percent from 1940 to 1980.  In this period of nearly four decades, Brazil had the fastest growing economy in the western hemisphere. Per capita GDP increased over eight hundred percent, from 678 in 1940 to 5570 in 1980, measured in 1980 dollars.  Brazils economy gained on the U.S. economy, rising from only ten percent of US GDP per capita to over 20 Brazil had experienced sustained growth at nearly four percent from 1940 to 1980.  In this period of nearly four decades, Brazil had the fastest growing economy in the western hemisphere. Per capita GDP increased over eight hundred percent, from 678 in 1940 to 5570 in 1980, measured in 1980 dollars.  Brazils economy gained on the U.S. economy, rising from only ten percent of US GDP per capita to over 20 percent. Brazil was the worlds ninth or tenth largest according to the criterion of purchasing power parity used by the World Bank, and the ninth largest market-based centre of production (Coatsworth, 2007). This amazing economic profile and growth of Brazil does not only play a crucial role in internal matters, but also affect the external relations of Brazil as well. In fact, it has also enables it to build the national security to the point of nearly obtaining nuclear weapons.

Evidently, Brazils economic successes affected its political, military and social relations with many other countries. In fact, Brazils weight and role as a middle or regional power in Latin America relies on three dimensions in the power hierarchy among states territorial, economic, and military.   As a result of Brazil being a regional power in Latin America with these factors strategically positioning it for the same, these factors allow states to conduct autonomous actions that influence their neighbors and rivals, and help determine the way in which the condition of being an international power expresses itself.  How Brazil fits in the context of these factors and of its own modern history is very unique.

These economic successes also affected the political relationships and thus either directly or indirectly impacted its current strategic position in the world economic activities. Economic growth paves the way for investment in weapons and technology to directly affect strategic advancements in deterrence and battlefield initiative. The overcoming security and economic challenges with prosperity, does not only qualifies Brazil as both the intermediate state and regional power. In turn, economic decline causes political leaders to make unwanted decisions towards strategic interests. Brazils period of economic failures from 1980 to present day will show how strategic deterrence and battlefield initiative have been affected (Steven, 2002 Tickner, 1993). Moreover, from economist Theodore Moran perspective, he believes that there are three economic threats that could endanger national security fundamental and cumulative decline relative to the other major industrial states a loss of crucial economic and technological capabilities within the country and the growing dependence on other countries for vital goods, services, and technologies.

Latin America, like most regions, will use force to protect itself from its neighbors and within its own borders. In Brazil, the strategic theory comes in two forms external and internal. The broad definition of this theory includes not only defense against external aggression but also internal defense against internal insurgencies and other internal powers. Latin America contains many instances of internal threats whether they are governmental takeovers by authoritarian leaders like General Pinochet in Chile or insurgent groups like the Shining Path in Peru. The unique thing about these internal takeovers is that many of these attempts occur without the chance of a decisive victory.

However, it is encouraging that history indicates that many internal threats in Latin America succeed only after several failures. These failures rally more political support and following attempts, often by the same rebel leaders, are sometimes successful (Adler and Polsky, 2006). As this has enabled Latin American nations take strategic actions to protect their internal borders, just as they would protect their external borders. Gary Hart argues that political decisions on national defense ought to be defined-to include economics and technology which can drive political leaders to make strategic decisions based on their current security threats. The argument that economic growth affects the political decisions of a nation to protect its internal and external borders can be explained through a close analysis of the manner in which Brazil exploited its efforts to have dominance in the world security.

In order to understand why the drastic change in Brazils economic and national security strategic conduct took place, it is important to study the history of the country and its struggle to be the first in Latin America to obtain nuclear weapons. Luiz Bandeira describes that from the early twentieth century to the ninety seventies, the United States of America spearheaded efforts to have special relationships with Brazil (Adler and Polsky, 2006). In return, Brazil managed to have a lot of recognition and received economic prosperity and military support from the United States of America. Furthermore, Brazil received economic prosperity and military aid from the United States of America (Tickner, 1993).

The economic prospects, which Brazil enjoyed, made it to believe that there was a legitimate division between military nuclear and nonnuclear countries. Brazil had been focused on being on the nuclear side. The country even declined to sign the Treaty of Tlatelolco (Shearer, 1998). This treaty was a nuclear free treaty of Latin America that mainly focused at ensuring peace, stability and equality not just in Latin America but also all over the world. Furthermore, Brazil worked with West Germany in nineteen seventy-six and even signed an agreement that would allow them to receive nuclear fuel enrichment equipment in exchange for uranium. Such actions lead to the need for most nations to be more cautious with external perceptions (Shearer, 1998). There was a dire need for the nation to look around other nations at understand what the actual perceptions of other nations are on these economic, political and security decisions. Although Brazil was hurting its relationship with the Unites States of America, it was careful to maintain an economic and political balance within Latin America. This seemed to be a great achievement for Brazil in its efforts to achieve superiority among its neighbors.

Williams (2000), comments that Brazil has been able to control strategic power, security and economic status through the role it has played in Latin America. The mediation roles in various conflicts that have arisen in Latin America have been played by Brazil. Brazil constant participation in conflict resolution efforts have been due to its moderate economy, its close proximity to many of the nations, and the political ties it enjoys with the United States of America (Kapstein, 1992 and James, 2008). For this reason, Brazil has been inferred as the intermediate state and a regional power in Latin America due to its strategic peace role, which it has always played in Latin America.

Besides being a peace hub, Brazil continues to dominate the economic platform of Latin America. This economic growth has greatly shaped the political decisions and influenced national security (Hart and Rudman, 2001). Although, continued mismanagement of economic resource continues to ruin Brazils prospects of its continued dominance of the economic and political arena in Latin America. Policies, which are at times made, do not have the greater economic interests of the whole country as the guiding principle (Bandeira, 2003 Bellamy and Bandeira, 2003 Williams, 2005). In the sense that, the leaders who are in power make decisions that favor the insurgent group leaders who in turn reward through with monetary benefits. Because on the other hand, this illegal groups normally have the intention of creating situations that would lead to the overall benefits of a few people who are in various leadership positions. This perceived benefit between the leaders and illegal groups hampers democracy, economic performance and threatens national security of the country.

Despite the great achievement in economic and national security mighty of Brazil within Latin America, there are three threats that mainly threaten the national security of Brazil which includes the loss of crucial economic and technological capabilities within and outside the country the fundamental and cumulative decline relative to the other major industrial states and the ever-growing dependence on other countries for vital goods, services, and technologies.

Additionally, Brazils technological prowess has continued to degrade take its toll in the form of an incalculable political price, as it caused Brazil to lose its absolute air power to Chile and Venezuela in 2006.This has indeed negatively affected the political landscape of the country in relation to its neighbors.
  The country has even started depending on other countries on very crucial gods and services and technologies (Moran, 1993 Shearer, 1998). This impact is reflected in the relationship between Brazil and Argentina who have historically and geographically been bounded by common frontiers, with economies which to a large extent were complementary due to differences in soil and climatic conditions. Brazil and Argentina has always kept close bilateral trade relations from colonial times but the different natures of their main exports led to links of dependence on the markets of rival industrial powers. However, during economic hardship of Brazil, the competing interests put further stress on their relationship. Even the United States of America protectionists had concerns with Brazils industrial exports that targeted North American market and exploitation of possible competition in third world countries. That during Fernando Henriques presidency the pattern of cooperation suffered mixed reactions and tension with the United States. But was rescued in nineteen ninety-eight, Brazil signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty which help which helped in removing the factors of contention between the two countries.

In conclusion, Brazils national security and economic growth were closely connected and none can perform better than the other. In the sense that economic boom made Brazil to invest in military technology to boost its might in the region and the world, while economic decline resulted to a cut in such many programs. Therefore, there is need to asses the threats to both economic and national security and develop a more compelling and effective internal strategies that would serve as platform to regional and global influence.
In this regard, Brazil does not need a strategy, but rather a grand strategy that addresses both national security and economic issues with integrative approach. In support of a grand strategy Alberto (2003), argues reaffirms that argues that the policy responses of greatest benefit to Brazil cannot be based solely on the economic criteria. Therefore, it is clear from the discussion presented that Brazils aspiration to an enhanced international status of the Americas and the world, and a redefinition of relations between the United States and Latin America, flowed from its emerging identity as a capitalist power during this period (Alberto, 2003).