Politicization of British Muslims

It is widely believed that the recent terrorist attacks which were heavily blamed on Muslims have dictated the relationship between Muslims  and the west, the relationship has been built by along process of interaction that dates back to colonial period.  While the level of carnage that was exhibited in these attacks and the subsequent public reaction evidenced the unique nature of politicization of migrant communities in an extreme political nature, politicization process has been built over the time in different migrant communities more so among Muslim immigrants.  For the last two centuries, historic accounts show that migrant communities in Britain have mobilized themselves in different ways and for different reasons.  Violence methods, which have been experienced towards the end of the 20th century and beginning of 21st century are just dramatic methods which expressed the level of politicization.

From racial riots to Rushdie affair
Politicization of British immigrants can be identified alongside their ethical groupings. Immigration historical records shows that migration to Britain happened in ethnic group and most of the immigrants, even after arriving in Britain still maintained their ethnic distinctions.  After immigration, the first evident kind of struggle in the society was class struggle and struggle against racism. However, these did not last long as communities became bound to one another and coexisted. Initially, communities in Britain thought that Muslims and other immigrant were just passers-by who were only coming to work and the leave for their own countries. However, this did not happen as immigrant increased in 1970s and 1980s. Towards the end of 1980s, it emerged that the minority immigrants especially Muslims were becoming more assertive and were gaining a new political identity. For a long time, immigrants in Britain have been regarded according to their religious identity such that immigrants from Arab countries and Asia were simply regarded as Muslims or Sikhs.  This gradually changed and from 1980s especially after the Rushdie affair, Muslims started taking a new political identity as they became more assertive to be politically recognized in the society.

The retreat for class and ethnic struggle ushered British society into a new era of atomization of Muslim. The new social mobility that characterized the Thatcher administration years gave way for the rise of political Islam. Political Islam was considered as a new ideology which called for unity of Muslims from all classes not only in Britain but in the whole world as well.  It called for unity of individuals in what could be termed as abstract Muslims.  The new political identity gave a refuge to second and third generation of Muslims who felt disfranchised from the practices of their fathers. It should be noted that the ethnic immigration of Muslims in Britain had led to conservation of traditional practices which were not embraced by a growing generation of young Muslims who were born exposed to western secular values. Consequently the new political Islam created two groups including emerging middle class Muslim and the young Muslim youths.

The middle class Muslims who are usually professionals and businessmen are considered to be more moderate considered to others. They have economic interest to protect and hence they pursue respected social political establishment. They call for practice of modern forms of Islam like those advocated by Jamaat e-Islam and the Muslim Brotherhood.  While Jamaat e-Islam appealed for Muslims from Pakistan, Muslim Brotherhood appealed to Muslims from Arab nations.

On the other hand, youngest generation of Muslims who took a political identity towards Islam just did it to find an answer to isolation and frustration that had been created by class struggle that marked years of individualism under Thatcher rule. To, the young Muslims, political Islam was just a political force which would challenge the status quo and therefore stop continued exploitation of Muslims in the whole world. As a result, young Muslims became more engaged in radical organizations which did not articulate western values or align with western supported issues of Israel and continued presence of U.S military in the Middle East.  Among the many organizations which attracted young Muslims was Hiz ut-Tahrir which had recruited more than 8,500 members. The organization originated from Palestine but attracted young Muslim recruits from all classes.  It articulated radical values and strongly opposed secular western values and practices.

There are three reasons which mainly contributed towards the increased politicization of migrant communities including

The formation and development of political groups which were separate from the mainstream British parties

Use of violence especially through riots and acts of terrorism

Mobilization within the mainstream politics.

During 1980s, there was no concept of Muslim community in Britain.  Multiculturalism policies separated and alienated different communities from the other instead of bringing them together.  The policy encouraged local lobby groups to pursue their own parochial interest and neglected the need of the larger community.  Beginning 1980s, community and religious leaders, including Islamist community leaders rallied their members round local issues that affected them most like girls education. Despite the government plea to put in place a single body that would represent them, the community was unable due to various interests and the clash of generation that pitted the old generation against young Muslims. However, the community was forced to come together after the publication of the notorious novel by Salman Rushdie which also marked a turning point in Britain political landscape.
 At the same time around 1989, when Rushdie Affairs was taking public by storm, the political Islam started taking shape especially with the formation of Islamic parties like Islamic Party of Britain. Formed in 1989, it was the only political party in non-Muslim countries and the main purpose was to encourage the public debates that looked into Muslim issues in Britain. It is worth noting that more than anywhere in the world Muslims had been accepted with a lot of tolerance in Britain.  They had been given the space to exercise their political freedom even when the society did not expect them to do so.  Islamic Party of Britain helped Muslims gain political confidence and laid the ground for eventual politicization of Britain Muslims.  The party has also researched on various political, economical, and environmental, health, education, social affairs, and other issues that touch on Muslim in Britain.  Today, the party is active in giving the public information which represents the true face of Muslims. It has also worked to prepare the Muslim community in Britain for the future life together with other religious groups in Britain. The party also publishes the quarterly magazine Common Sense, which publishes article with in-depth analysis on Islamic perspectives.  The Islamic Party of Britain has been important, since the Rushdie affair, in shaping the political life of Muslims in the country.

One of the features of politicization of Muslims in Britain has been the formation of political groups. Towards the end of the twentieth century, there are arose several Muslim political groupings which included Muslim Council of Great Britain and the Muslim Parliament.  These groups emerged immediately after the Salaman Rushdies affair when he published Satanic Verses.  These groups were also formed in reaction to British participation in the First Gulf War.  These were two important events which are believed to have led to initial politicization of British Muslims mainly happening through formation of migrant political groupings.

Why did the above factor contribute to politicization of British Muslims
One of the most controversial issues in the history of Muslim in UK has been the Rashdies affair. Right from the beginning, Rushdie affair was taken as an Islamic affair.  The affair led to mobilization of Muslims through the world using the existing fundamentalist Islamist networks.  In 1988, Jamaat e-Islamic fundamentalist from India made contacts with Manazir Ahsan who was the direct of British Jamaat e-Islam otherwise referred to as Islamic Foundation based in Leicester. Consequently, Ahsan communicated with all mosques leaders and leaders of other Islamic organizations throughout the world.  From these efforts, the UK Action for Islamic Affairs (UKACIA) was formed as a national lobby body.  The organization was formed with the assistance of middle class intellectuals, professionals, and other businessmen. Notable among those who formed the organization were Iqbal Sacranie, who was then trustee of Balham Mosque in southwest London, and Ahsan himself. It is this lobby group that catapulted the Rushdie affair to national level even in Iran prompting the infamous fatwa passed by Ayatollah Khomeini.

In his article on Britain since the Fatwa, Faisal Gazi recounts how the grievance culture embedded in radical Islam has won battles over the enlightenment values that are being sought by British government. Gazi recount how in 1989 as a student at Leeds University watched a group of mullahs burned down Rashdie book The Satanic Verses. It was on a Saturday morning that these Muslims had gathered together to call for death of Rushdie Salman for his book that touched on the core of Islam. However, the protestors could not burn the book until BBC crewmen rolled their cameras to film the incident. In other words, the rioters wanted the whole country to know what they were out to do.  Though considered a minority community, they were savvy enough to put on stage such indignation with cameras firm on them. This is an indication that Islamic radicalism did not just begin with the even but it had grown over the years.

Gazi recounts that Islamic identity politics did not just begin with the Rushdie affair. It was something that had been cultivated over the years and was operating in different parts of Britain including Birmingham and Bradford.  This could not be compared to the race riots that had taken place in 1980s but it was a new expression of Islamic political identity that was just catalyzed by the Rushdie affair.  Britain had changed from a society that existed along racial lines to a society that was under effect of multiculturalism with a great focus on religious and cultural issues facing the different communities in the society.

In local scenes, protest against Rushdie affairs happened around Bradford Mosque as this has been specifically contacted by Ahsan and other members of UKACIA. The organization had received widespread local support owing to its ability to organize local Muslim community around Muslim issues. Bradford Mosque realized that this was more of a political issue and they decided to write to the Prime Minister. However, the protest which had been under control for several days in Bradford suddenly went out of control of their leaders. In January 14 1989, radical Muslim youths publicly burned the book with consequential disrepute of Bradford Council Mosque. UKACIA stepped in to protect the Bradford Mosque council from blame taking active responsibility of the act. The leaders of the Mosque council like Maulana Sher Azam became members of the UKACIA. Although UKACIA did not succeed in having Rushdie condemned in reference to British Blasphemy law, it was an important milestone not only in formation of Muslim community in UK but in formation of a broad national group which politically united and motivated middle class Muslims and  mosque leaders.

In 2005, after July 7 bombings, Sir Iqbal Sacrani, who headed the Muslim Council of Britain, commented that our own children had actually perpetrated heinous acts against the same people who have brought them up. This was a clear indication that British Muslims were finally accepting that they were part of British Society.  Iqubal did not blame U.S foreign policies like others nor did he blame Islamophobia in UK but he directly referred to the rot among British Muslims.  This was the same man who in 1989 had argued that death was too easy for Rushdie and that his mind had to be tormented unless he asked for forgiveness from Allah.  Although this study is not about the characters of those considered moderate Muslims like Iqubal who call for coexistence of the community through integration and understanding, it is important point out that double standards characters like Iqubal who have been embraced by the New Labour government, and even Knighted as mediators with Muslims have contributed to continued rise of Islam politicization especially in reference to young generation who cannot find an identity.

Although Iqbal has been widely criticized for his support of radical Islam and at the same time trying to preach peace in coexistence of British society, his comments cannot be just whisked away. When Britain refers to his as a moderate Muslim, his handling of Rushdie affair conveys the contrary. As some it has been shown, Rushdie affair and the consequent response from Muslims was an important turning point in for Muslims in Britain especially young Muslims.  For a long time the second and third generation of Muslims in Britain had not been so closely embedded to their religion. They did not feel as a part of their conservative parents who had maintained their ethnic practices.

However, Rushdie affair was widely considered as an offence to deep roots of Islam.  Rushdie analysis of Islam portrayed a man who had lost faith in his religion a long time ago and found cultural practices difficult to integrate Muslims to the mainstream of British life.  The response of the Rushdie affair was a turning point for Muslims not only in Britain but in the rest of the world as well.  Considered as an offence to Muslims and owing to the support Rushdie writings had received from British political class, Muslims also responded politically.  The young Muslims youths started perceiving Islam in a political identity. Instead of promoting tolerance, reaction to Rushdie affair somehow elicited political Muslim in Britain.

After protracted months of struggle after the Rushdies published his book, Ayatollah Khomeini made his notorious fatwa against Rushdie for his confirmed detraction of Muslim faith.  This marked the climax of a long ranging controversy that had pitted Muslims against their fellow Muslim. It is widely believed that Ayatollah fatwa may have been just a solution for the physical confrontation but in hindsight, the affair marked a new political assertive will for Britain Muslims.

As has been highlighted earlier young Muslims in the west were becoming disfranchised owing to the practices which had been strongly held by the old generation indulgently.  However, the Rushdie affair made them encounter Islam politically and this only bound them more towards political Islam.  It is important to note that the most important social institution which could have provided young Muslims with guidance and a sense of identity at the time were the many Muslim organizations which for a long time had struggled to find recruits.  These organizations were able to attract a large number of young Muslim who could not find identity.  They were looking for a place where their concerns could be addressed in light of Islam and in light of Western culture which they had become accustomed to.  So to say, the Rushdie affair drove may young Muslims to Islamist organizations and back to the mosques. This marked the beginning of politicization of British Muslims.

It is also important to note the Rushdie affair also elicited the growth of a number of Muslim organizations who were out to defend Islam at all cost. Although the institutionalization of Islam had began many years ago, with increased migration from Muslim countries to UK, the end of the twentieth century marked an increased growth of Muslim organizations. As a community in a foreign land, Islamist organizations which had been growing day by day were becoming important shelter for Most Muslims. However, most of these organizations were medicinally based and hence promoted Muslim ethnicity more than promoted unity.  Towards the end of twentieth century, politicization of Muslim organization started when the new Labour party supported formation of Muslim organizations which could be used to deal with Muslim politically. These organizations provided a fertile ground in which young Muslim were inducted to radical ideas of Islam and also provided space for express of political issues.

This can be understood in analysis of events that followed the Rushdie affair. Courtesy of these Islamist organizations, there was thousands of Muslim who took to the street in response of to Rushdie affair.  Young Muslims protested all over the streets of Bradford, Bolton, Birmingham, and others.  Thousands others also attended rallies held in Hyde Park.  However, it should be noted that the young Muslims who protested at the time are no so old today. Most of them are in their thirties and early forties and there is no doubt that the spirit of Rushdie affair had not died with generation. Half a generation behind these Muslim is young Muslims of today who are also following the footsteps of actions that resulted from Rushdie affair.  They are inheritors of a mantle which was formed under the flames of a burning book, one written by Rushdie.

It is widely believed that the results of Rushdie affair and one strand that has threaded over the years eventually culminated into the July 7 bombing in 2005 about a decade after the Rushdie affair.  Although Rushdie affair was seen as unitary phenomenon, it never was as it has led to stranded threads in different direction but they have all culminated to more politicization of Islam as it is seen today.

Politicization of Muslims in Britain has to be looked in different perspectives in reference to Rushdie affair. Although the affair and response from Iranian Ayatollah aggravated Muslim feelings, it is widely believed that over the years, crash of generation has created a new radicalization discourse among British Muslims. Although principle dynamic currently observed among British Muslims is believed to be a result of clash between British secular values and Muslim values, the clash of generations among Muslims has been a major contributory factor towards the current discourse. There is a clash between the elders or the first generation of Muslims who migrated to Britain before 1980s and their children, who are the second and the third generations that had come of age during the Rushdie affair. The way the second and third generation understood Rushdie affair was not the same way the first generation understood the affair.  In other words, the protracted radicalism in the first generation of Muslims forced the second the third generation to perceive the affair in their own understanding hence providing the ground for political mobilization of young Muslims in Britain.

This clash of generation and consequent politicization of young British Muslim provided ground for radicalization. This has been documented very well by Shiv Malik in his work when tracking the master minders of 77 bombing. Shiv argues the Rushdie affair provided the ground for mobilization of young Muslim who were organized under a number of Islamist organizations that later provided a fertile ground for radicalization. The result were the violent attacks like 77 bombings.  The generation conflict among British Muslims has significantly resulted to political radicalization of young Muslims.  At the same time, generation conflict has also provided ground for negotiation to accommodate Islamic and British cultural framework as one working side by side.

In his work Shiv has also noted with concerns that elders in Beeston had never realized the new religiosity taking root in their youths until the when their youths challenged their pre-arranged marriage partners.  Having experienced western culture, young Muslims were realizing that they had rights to decided who to marry and hence imposition of marriage partner by their elders was not very much welcome. Challenging the elder decision was not only a prerogative of the young Muslims who now found family within the many Islamist organizations but it  also represented a clash that was taking place between Islam and Western culture.  The new Islamist organizations had taken the minds of these young Muslims, radicalized them, while at the same time taking care of their freedom they had found in Western culture. There were some important value they had found in western culture which did not only include marriage arrangement but also included education, social lifestyle, leisure, employment, and others which attractive them more than what their parents had indulgently held to.

Muslims organizations have provided young Muslims with choice. Rather than forcing Islam down their throats as a cultural practice, they are being provided with choice on what they would like to follow. It has been noted that there are two important aspects which define the current clash between young Muslims secularization and islamisation. There are those who are making a choice to follow islamisation while there are those who opt for secularism.  Islamisation and secularization has also set stage for conflict between the young Muslims and the first generation migrants who still hold to Islamization.  The objective of the current young Muslims in Britain is to liberate themselves from practices of their elders.  They want to have unrestricted freedom to make their own choice and determine the destiny of their lives.  The clash of generation and the effect it has on the institutionalization and consequent politicization of young Muslims can be evidenced in many ethnic groups of Muslims in Britain today. Taking an example of British Muslims with Indian origin, it will be noted that the generation tension between the old and the young Muslims is manifested in family organization systems and values.  The tension between the forms of social organization has set the old generation from the new generation which is systematically consumed in Western culture. The first generation of Muslim from India are still holding to biradari social system which is a close knit insular system  which has a great emphasis on the extended family. Under this system individuals are quite subordinate for the family system and individual behaviours are rather regulated by the system.  Behaviours which threaten self-identity and cohesion of the whole family are rebuked and individual may be punished by the extended family for such behaviours. On the other hand, there is the young generation which feels very independent and wants to live according to the western culture that propagates a nuclear family. This has brought about clash of generation and consequently young Muslims have gathered themselves around Islamist organization which forms their new identity. Unfortunately, these organizations have led to increased radicalization and politicization of young British Muslims.

Ion his article Gazi notes that when migrants arrived in Britain in 1970s, they used to organize their activism in various secular battles that were fighting against racism.  In 1980s, a number of organizations like Asian Youth Movement and others were crusaders of the growing anti-racism politics. However, they slowly disintegrated as multiculturalisms values took root in the Britain society.  Racism receded and was fast replaced by a society that was more fragment than ever.  There arose different ethnic groups which asserted their identities in different fierce ways. These groups were headed by unelected community leaders who became the tool that was used by the government to engage with these communities which were just identified by religion.

In his book on From Fatwa to Jihad, Kenan Malik provides a panoramic view of UK in light of Rushdie affair. He looks into how the affair provided a turnaround for Muslim community in the country making them more politically assertive than ever. He also looks into how issue of racism, multiculturalism, religion, and terrorism affected the British society since the Rushdie affair.
Like Rushdie, Malik emigrated from India and was among the first generation of migrants who did not consider themselves as Hindus or Muslims but as blacks. The discourse by then was fight against racism and it pitted blacks against the whites. According to Malik, Black to them was a not like an ethnic label but a political badge. In his book, Rushdie also makes reference to migration, metamorphosis, divisive selves, love, and death. Malik constantly refers to Khomeinis fatwa as an event that dramatically changed the religious and culture landscape in UK.

Malik notes that the Rushdie affair and politicization of Islam could have been motivated by the political approach of Khomeini. In Iran, Ayatollah is not considered only as a religious figure but has a lot of political influence. Ayatollah Khomeini fatwa which was issued in February 1989 gave the Rushdie affair a political dimension which was quickly taken up by young Muslims and formed the new identity for their assertiveness. It should be noted that when Khomeini issued  the fatwa, his government was struggling to become legitimate more so for recognition from the followers as most had been lot to political reformists not only in Tehran but in the whole Iran. Internationally, Khomeini was fast fading away from spiritual supremacy and his place taken by Saudi Arabia and therefore he had to do what it could take to regain his personal face and trust among his followers.

Malik also traced the growth of radicalism in Muslim community especially among the young Muslim to North Yorkshire. He argues that tracing the perpetrator of 77 bombings, he found that two of them, Mohamed Khan and Shehzad Tanweer, could be traced to leadership of Boys of Beeston, which could be considered as a gang. These gangs were among the Islamic organizations which emerged towards the end of the twentieth century and were fruits of political mobilization in response to Rushdie affair. The two had not committed terrorism act compelled by foreign forces but rather by rage, loss of identify, and the feeling of getting in between no culture.  These could be considered as a breed of political worldly men who had not other way to express their personal alienation rather than through extremism.

In reality, the politicization of Muslim youths in Britain has had its own effect. A recent survey that was released in 2007 asserted that more young Muslims in Britain were more politicized.  The survey which was released by Policy Exchange which is a centre-right British think tank has caused concerns in the country. The findings of the study showed that 37 percent of young Muslims between the age of 16 and 24 preferred to live under the Shariah law. Shariah law is strict codes which are used to govern the Islam way of life in all aspects ranging from religious to social life.  The study also revealed that for many Muslims, Shariah was a matter of conscience actions which Muslims thinks they ought to do rather than being forced to live according to secular authority. The aggravation for young Muslims to live under strict Shariah law has been influenced by the fact that some areas in UK have already instituted and accepted Shariah as a part of the law.

Interestingly, only 19  of Muslims more than 55 years old showed any interest to live under shariah law.  This indicated that the older generations are accepting the integration of their way of life with the western way of life. More than their children, the old generation is accepting the need for the Muslims to coexist with other cultures in Britain.

The study also revealed that 74 of the Muslim youths between 16 and 24 years also preferred that their fellow Muslim women be given the  freedom to choose whether to wear hijab or not. On the other hand, 28 of those above 55 years preferred the Muslim women be made to wear hijabs.

The older Muslims were also found to be less likely to endorse punishment by death as an appropriate response to Muslims who convert to other religions. Only 20 of Muslims endorse death by punishment compared to 31 of those aged between 16 and 24.  Interestingly, younger Muslims also adored terrorist groups like Al-Qaeda compared to older generation. In the study only 3 of Muslims above the age of 55 admired groups like Al Qaeda compared to 13 of those between 16 and 24. This shows that more young Muslims in Britain are likely to support terrorism compared to older Muslims. This has been a systemic result of years of institutionalization of Muslims youths into Islamic organizations.

There are a number of lessons which can be learnt from this report. The author of the report argued that the government policy of multiculturalism has long propagated the policy of cultural difference rather then embracing those differences and working to bridge them. As a result, young Muslims are becoming more radicalized compared to their parents. The first Muslims immigrants who are those above the age of 55 seem to practice more tolerance compared to their children.  As the author points out in the report, the government policy of multiculturalism has not well addressed the concerns of young Muslims to integrate them back to the society. Instead, it has pursued the cultural differences in light of the growing political difference between Muslims and the British society.  The author lamented that the rise of strong Muslim political identity has been due to multiculturalism policies which had been implemented in the country since the 1980s and which had been emphasizing on the difference. This has continued to jeopardize national identity and consequently divided communities living in Britain along their ethnic, cultural, and religious lines.

A consequential study that was carried out by the same think tank in 2008 also revealed similar perspective. The study which was published in July 2008 showed that more than a third of Muslim students believed it was right to kill in the name of religious. The stud showed that about 40 of the students want the introduction of Sharia law in the country. At the same time it was found out that 40 of Muslim students think that it is wrong for men and women to mix freely together while 33 would like to see a world Islamic government which is based on Sharia law.  These are deeply alarming findings compared to the earlier study reviewed above which had been released a year earlier. This is an indication of continued radicalization of Muslim students in Britain. This is an indication that multiculturalism policies are encouraging extremist influence in the Islamic societies especially in the study centres. The study was carried out among 1,400 students, 600 of who were Muslims studying in 12 Universities which have influential Islamic Societies and organizations.  The study showed that majority of minority Muslim students had conservative thinking and were prone to extremist ideologies. About 4 of Muslim students showed that killing in order to promote religion was allowed and right. 59 of those interview thought that Muslim women should wear veil while 26 felt that Muslim men and women need to be treated equally although 24 did not think that women and men were equal in the eyes of Allah. 25 had no respect for homosexuals. More than 50 said that they could not offer support for their friends to leave Islam while 6 said they would prefer their friends who left Islam to be punished under Shariah law. More than half of those interviewed, 54 argued that they wanted an Islamic political party at Westminster to stand up and defend the rights of Muslims. This is another indication showing that Muslim identity has changed from racial, to religion, and today it is a political identity.

The poll also looked into some pertinent issues that have dealt a blow on government credibility. On Iraq, 66 of Muslim students argued that they had lost respect for New Labour party owing to its involvement in the war on Iraq.  At the same time, 30 of Muslim students said that they respected the British society as it had also show negative public reaction towards the government involvement in the war on Iraq.  In commenting about the results of the study, Hannah Stuart who authored the report argued that the findings were very alarming since university students are likely to go back and become community leaders. This means that they will propagate the same ideological values in the community. The report also exposed ignorance of those who belief that there is no extremism in British higher institutions of learning as the report shows a growing number of students who do not believe in liberal and democratic values. The author also argued that government should be wary of using university Islamic Societies to be representatives of the Muslim community since they seem to hold more extremist values compared to other Muslim students.

Since September 11 attacks and the consequent 77 bombing, there has been growing concerns regarding the political extremism among more than 90,000 Muslim students in Britain Universities. In 2005, the then Britain Prime Minister, Tony Blair argued that there are some extremist organization like Hizb ut- Tahrir  which has showed radicalism and hence should be banned on British soil.  This also comes in heel of report which showed that a number of terrorist have passed through British Universities  who include Kafeel Ahmed  who was killed driving a burning vehicle into Glasgow airport terminal. Another is Jawad Akbar who received a life sentence in 2007 for conspiring to bomb shopping malls and nightclubs. Akbar was said to be involved in Islamic militancy when still a student in Brunel University.

The result of politicization of young Muslim youths, as can be revealed in these poll finings, has been riots and terrorism. Riots and terrorism acts have been considered otherwise simple yet confrontation way through which young Muslims are articulating their voices in the society.  Starting with the Rushdie affair, there have been a number of subsequently riots which have clearly illustrated the way in which Muslims have been organized around political grouping.  During the Rushdie affair, there were many riots which were held in different parts of the country in solidarity for defence of Islam. Essentially, these riots were organized by Islamic groupings which had taken control of young Muslims in the country.

During the 1980s, Britain experienced a number of ethnic riots which took place in different cities. These riots were calling for more racial representation. However, it has been pointed out that these riots were as a resultant of growing disfranchisement of young Muslims who were could not create an identity either with their parents or with western culture. This disfranchisement which was resulting from clash of generation endeared most young Muslims to join Islamic organization around which riots were expressed. In 1989, Britain experienced a five weekends of riots in Northern town. The Muslim youths were fighting between themselves and destroyed anything on their sight.  Half of the rioting youths were Asians. This was seen by many as a new way of assertiveness, which in deed had taken a political dimension.

In 2001, there were many riots which took place in Bradford, Oldham, and Burnley in which Asian youths rioted citing long term marginalization and discrimination in work.  These riots were caused by many factors but most important was the role of community leaders and the far right activities which were calling for politicization of British Muslims. The riots were calling for mature recognition by the larger society. This was one of the ways in which immigrant communities, mainly Muslims, were being mobilized to achieve political reasons.

The culmination of   politicization of Muslim in Britain has been radicalism which was evidenced in terrorist attacks.   Psychologically, it has been argued that the acts of terrorism represent and expression of frustration and radicalism.

From Rushdie affair to New Labour Party politics
The Rushdie affair cannot be said to have ended although Rushdie himself remains an active writer. The affair just gave politicization of Muslims a new direction and political assertiveness that had devastating results in the whole community.  After UKACIA was defeated in propagating condemnation of Rushdie, the organization worked towards creation of another power organization which is in the limelight of political Islam today. UKACIA gave way to formation Muslim Council of British (MCB). However, it took much longer time to put the organization to work due to divisions experienced among real Muslim communities which could be traced to their migration ethnic backgrounds.  Although Rushdie affair had helped to bring Muslims together under a national body UKACIA, there were still differences that made it difficult to inaugurated MCB until ten years later when the New Labour Party came to office. However, the perspective of the New Labour government and its need to use proper legal means of approach to different communities in the society perhaps catalyzed the registration and inauguration of MCB. Eventually, MCB was inaugurated in November 1997 with government approval and Knighted Iqbal Sacranie, who was an original member who helped to form UKACIA, was appointed MCB president. This marked the beginning of government direct engagement with Muslims and acceptance of political Islam in the UK. MCB was the umbrella organization which brought together more than 400 affiliated organization including Mosque councils drawn from Asian communities, professional bodies which made up the abstract communities, and other political organizations. One of the most vocal organizations which came under MCB was Muslim Association of Britain (MAB) which was formed by Muslim middle class who came from Arab and were closely associated with British Muslim Brotherhood.  MAB represented itself as a modern and respectable organization which was an alternative to other radical Islam organizations.

With all these organizations under MCB, it is widely acclaimed to be the representative of Muslim social and political interest in Britain. In deed, MCB has been used in a number of times by the government to approach Muslims. However, the real unity of Muslims in Britain has not yet been achieve, one of the factors that are contributing to rise of radical political Islam. MCB was formed through political campaigns by individuals who had self motives rather than being driven by the central issues facing Muslims in the UK. MCB was formed by individuals drawn from Islamist organizations like Jamaat e-Islam, Muslim Brotherhood, and others only for political reasons which mean that the real unity of heart is far from being achieved.  Due to this diverse nature of organizations that came together under MCB and the varied interest of the members, MCB could rally content with all demands from Muslims as was evidenced during antiwar movements. MCB also came with clash of generation in leadership. Clash of generation has been identified earlier as one of the factors that lead to disfranchisement of young Muslims and their eventual recruitment to Islamist organizations. In MCB a generation leadership struggle ensured between old guard who were religious scholars and the young middle class and well educated Muslims who had helped in the formation of the organizations.  The young professionals had interacted well with British society in learning institutions and had diverse knowledge to engage with the New Labour establishment, the media, and the world in general. They were more dynamic in their thinking and perceived world in a different perspectives from the old guards. On the other hand, the old guards who were religious leaders were well connected to the local communities but their language was quite inadequate to influence especially the young people in local settings. The middle class had a good outlook of the political and social connections.

It can be observed that due to lack of mainstream political Islamic organization, any  individual has had a chanced to claim representative of a community  whether one has been chosen by the citizens or not. Considering the moderate version of political Islam as can be perceived in the lens of Jamaat e-Islami or through Muslim Brotherhood, and then political Islam has been quite important to emerging middle class Muslims as they compete for power with the old guards. In the same way, postmodernism has been quite important for the emerging Labourites against the old political guards in British political scene.

As can be seen her, the entry of New Labour Party into power was instrumental in politicization of Muslims. For a long time, the Labour Party had enjoyed widespread support from Asian immigrants who were mostly Muslims.  After migrating to Britain, most Asian migrants settled in areas where textile industries were located. The collapse of these industries made these migrants poor.  They lived in poor city areas which had become the strongholds of Labour Party.  These inner areas had adopted communalist vote which was widely believed to have propelled the party to power in 1997.  The new Labour Party increased engagement with Muslim compared to the preceding regimes could have been necessitated by the need to return the favour for the support they had received from these minor groups over the years.

After coming to power, the New Labour party called for establishment of long term communalist politics at the national level.  However, this had to be facilitated by creation of a unified body which could represent the interest of Muslim community.  As had been highlighted earlier, MCB emerged as a strong body formed under the leadership and direction of New Labour party. It was a politicized middle class organization which brought together elites who had been united around Rushdie affair.

MCB became the mediating organization between British Muslim Community and the New Labour government mostly on Muslims issues.  MCB was also recognized as the only institution which could advise the government on funding Muslim initiatives which were of benefit to the local community and other organizations.  Once it came to power, New Labour government implemented a number of policies which were considered pro-Muslims giving Britain Muslims a chance for political assertiveness.  For example the new government replaced the old secular education with faith based schools including Islamic Schools. So to say, the political struggle for Islam which began with Rushdie affair was finally paying off as they were becoming recognized as a part of British society.  However, this elicited a backlash from Britons who thought the new Labour government was doing more than Islamizing Britain.  Apart from faith based schools which were seen as a chance for preserving Muslim culture, the government also started funding other programs which were aimed at preserving Islam culture. MCB was also instrumental in influencing the government to pass legislation against religious hatred, which came to force after the July bombing. Although considered by the government as a sign of solidarity and recognition of law abiding Muslim, it also elicited a backlash from Britons who saw the government as protecting Islam through legislation while there were other minority groups in Britain which were not protected though such legislations.

Through the New Labour initiative, there are three key pillars that make national alliance. The aim of the New Labour party was to foster good relationship between Muslims and British society. The three key pillars of this national alliance include leaders drawn from real but quite divided Asian communities, a national lobby, MCB, which claims representative of Muslim community, and the Labour Party.  This has been defined as a relationship of convenience.  For local leaders of Asian communities to take advantage of goods which have bee advanced by the New Labour Party, they need to have a unified body which they had not been able to put in place owing to material divisions that has impended on success of Islam in Britain.  They needed to have mediators who have right political skills and connections who could guarantee that they got government support. The middle class business and professionals who have come together during Rushdie affair also needed to have the right connections to the New Labour Party to articulate their issues.  On the other hand, the New Labour Party needed these Muslim communities for continued political support and to ensure that they had ballots during elections. Therefore the party needed community leaders who they could use to reach the concrete communities. Therefore this creates a relationship of convenience.

The biggest test for MCB   came after the 2001 bombing on   World Trade Centre in the U.S. The September 11 attack has been emulated as the foot print that set the Islamic world apart from Western world. After the attack, United States convinced other western countries, Britain being the most important ally, to wage a war against terror. This was considered as an ideological war that set the Muslims states against the Western states. First, the war on terror led to invasion of Afghanistan in search of September 11 mastermind Osama bin Laden and later invasion of Iraq for possession of nuclear weapons.  Almost a decade after the war started, it has not ended and many more lives have been lost in Iraq and Afghanistan compared  to those lost in September 11 attack.

At homeland Britain, the decision of Tony Blair government to send military in Afghanistan and Iraq did not go well with Muslims. The invasion was thought to be a way of West against Muslims and therefore set the stage for the two clashes. In what George Bush declared as clash of civilization between Western values and uncivilized Muslims world, the war would soon lead to a backlash from Muslim in Britain in form of anti-war protests.

After the attack the media was in the forefront in panting Muslim as potential terrorists. When the New Labour party came to power and pursued policies of engagement with Muslims, the media came out strongly opposing the continued Islamization of Britain through institutionalization of Islam.   The concept of islamophobia which was not embedded to development of a political Islam took root in British media.  The media was criticized for being biased towards extremism in Muslims but its fears and articulation were later confirmed after the 77 bombings.   Fear gripped the British society about the potentiality of terrorism attack from British Muslims and hatred grew towards Muslims. There were reports of Muslims who were attacked innocently in the public.  This eventual forced the government to pass the racial act. However, it is important to note that the media was instrumental spread of criticism towards the growing Islam terrorism.

In Britain, the anti war movement was gaining ground as Muslims resisted the participation of British forces in the war on terror. However, this was not an easy task for MCB which had claimed representatives of Muslim society. MCB was incapacitated by divisions and interests due to inclusion of more than 400 affiliates.  Different organization had different interest and MCB was torn between fulfilling Islamist interest to force the government to withdraw forces from war on terror, and the need to save the established special relationship with New Labour.  The government wanted the Muslims organizations to play a moderate pro-government role to support the war on terror if in deed MCB and affiliated organizations were for end of terrorism. After the attack, New Labour government and MCB were faced with a hard task of defusing most serious political conflicts that were facing Muslim community in the growing perception that political Islam was a serious threat to civilization. MCB worked to convince the New Labour government that in deed Muslim community in the UK was moderate and did not support terrorism. Initially MCB leaders refused to participate in ant-war marches but as pressure grew form within, it was forced to come up with a signed letter that convinced the government that it had to avoid war on terror especially invasion of Afghanistan and instead pursue diplomacy.  Council of religious representative in MCB declared a fatwa against bombing of Afghanistan and in response Blair did not respond to their calls.  This further created conflict within MCB and it finally had to endorse anti-war demonstrations.  Instead of dealing direct with MCB, Blair deemed it fit to maintain relationship with New Labourite MPs. Indeed this worked right as all MPs except one endorsed the attack on Afghanistan although they later disowned it. MAB consequently organized more antiwar demonstrations from 2002-2003. Since it was a small organized ogroup which did not claim to represent Muslim community, MAB was able to sponsor demonstrations more effective compared to MCB. On the eve of Iraq invasion, more than two million people demonstrated in London but consequently the number of people involved in the demonstrations declined drastically.
In 2005, the New Labour support for Muslim community paid off as it was re-elected back to the power with the help of Muslim vote. Consequently, Iqbl Sacranie was knighted for the extemporary services he had offer to the Muslim society. This restored peace between New Labour and British Muslim society and cemented the political relationship.

After return to power New Labour party implemented more drastic anti terrorism measure by enactment of Anti-Terrorism Act. Police searchers were extended and the state also introduced the new identity card as a way of more state control. This however eventually led to the July 7 bombings where a group of young Islamists planned to blow up the London underground system  blowing up three trains and a bus and killing 52 people instantly. Three of the terrorist attacks were Asian Muslims from Leeds or Bradford while the fourth was a Jamaican immigrant who had been converted to Islam.  Two weeks later another attack followed but this did not succeed.  There were reports that there were many more young Muslims who were planning attacks and this greatly destroyed the material foundation on which communalist politics of collaboration between New Labour and MCB. Terrorism threats were no more from outside Britain but Muslims in the country had terribly failed to contain its children.  Consequently, Blair government declared changes in rules of engagement stating that political Islam had assumed more radial measures and hence the government would extend the control measures to British people.

In 2005, the government started consultations referred to as Preventing Extremism Together which led to creation of Mosques and Imams National Advisory Board in 2006. MCB was also included in the new advisory board and it was given the mandate of supervising Mosques in Britain and fighting any radical propagandas. In 2006, the government enacted Racial and Religious Hatred Bill which was aimed at preventing continued dissent directed towards Muslims after the 77 bombings.

Conclusion
Since the Rushdie affair in 1980, there has been growing political identify Islam in the Britain. Before the Rushdie affair, Muslims were loosely organized into their ethnic grouping which made it difficult to form a national body that could articulate issues of Islam.  The Rushdie affair provided the platform under which Muslim became more organized national under UKACIA and consequently through formation of MCB and other Islamic organizations which claimed to represent the interest of Muslims. Over the years, there has been growing Islamic political involvement which has been elicited by internal and external conditions facing Islam. One of the main factors that have contributed to politicization of Muslims in Britain had been the clash of generation that has been observed between the old Muslim generation and the young well education Muslim professionals who want to be identified with Western values. This clash has brought about growth of radicalism in young Muslims. It is widely believed that youths who were responsible for 77 bombings belonged to young radial Muslim organizations. These organizations around which young Muslims have found political identity have been responsible or increased radicalization of Muslims youths in the country. Although the New Labour party has pursed policies aimed at engaging and integrating Muslims with the wider British society, current research results shows that extremism is growing among young Muslims. Apparently, this has been the result of years of political mobilization of young Muslims information of political identity.

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