Cyprus 1960-74
The years 1960 and 1974 are extremely important ones in the history of Cyprus. After the turbulent decade of the 1950s, the 1960s began with a sense of hope. Peace Accords were signed in 1960. British control was removed and the Republic of Cyprus was established. Unfortunately, a difficult period of transition would follow.
Local, regional and international conflicts would interact to shape Cyprus throughout the 1960s and early 1970s. In 1974 Cyprus officially became a divided nation. Tensions still remain. How did this situation come about A more detailed examination of Cypriot history from 1960-74 can help to answer that question.
Background
For centuries, Cyprus has occupied a unique geographical position between competing empires. In ancient times it lay between the Greek empire and the Turkish Ottoman Empire. In the 20th century it bordered the Soviet bloc and the Western nations allied with the United States.
During the 1950s terrorist actions took place on both sides. An increased nationalistic sentiment was evident among Greeks and Greek Cypriots. Terrorism only stoked that fervor.
Greek Cypriots wanted enosis - a unification of Cyprus and Greece. A few Turkish Cypriots wanted Cyprus to become Turkish, but most simply wanted more say in the islands government and more local control. Ultimately the actions driven by these passions would make Cyprus more vulnerable to international influences, particularly during the Cold War.
Greek Cypriots regarded the island of Cyprus as part of their ancient heritage. It was an important part of ancient Troy, providing rich deposits of copper and cypress that began to compete with the cedars of Lebanon (Durant, 1966). The ancient philosopher Zeno was also a native of Cyprus.
The rise of the Ottoman Empire challenged Greek supremacy and its claim to Cyprus. Turks and Greeks have co-existed on the island ever since. During the First World War Britain took control of the strategically important island. Greek and Turkish Cypriots were united in their opposition to British rule, even if they differed on what actions to take against it. Cyprus would remain a British colony through the Second World War.
In the post World War Two years Britain was beginning to dismantle some of the far-flung parts of its empire. The cost of managing colonies and the constant threat of revolt had become too great. For similar reasons Britain wanted to relinquish control of the island of Cyprus. The removal of British control could potentially escalate the dispute between Greece and Turkey over control of the island.
Greece and Turkey are NATO allies, but their long relationship is filled with conflict. In fact, Greece has a national holiday that celebrates a victory over the Turks. Turkey, in turn, has a national holiday that commemorates a victory over Greece. Cyprus is the modern day focus of that conflict.
Cyprus is a relatively small island in the Mediterranean Sea. Its population during 1960-74 never exceeded 1 million (78 Greek, 20 Turkish, 2 other minorities). Its small size belies its importance to international trade and politics. The 1960 Accords established Cyprus as a free Republic and specifically prevented its annexation or division.
The Turkish Cypriots compose the minority population of Cyprus. At the time of the 1963 outbreak of violence the Turkish Cypriots numbered about 120,000. As a minority group their position away from the Turkish mainland put them at some risk. In the coming decade they would struggle to remain a viable population, much less a viable political force in the Cypriot government.
The early-mid 1960s
Repeated outbreaks of violence and the desire of Britain to remove itself from the problems of Cyprus led to an extended period of international negotiations. According to Howard and Davis Prime Minister McMillans Colonial Secretary, Iain MacLeod...dramatically stepped up the pace in 1959-61 (1998). An agreement between all parties was reached in 1960. From this point on Cyprus would not be a colonial territory. For the first time it was an internationally recognized nation called The Republic of Cyprus.
The 1960 Accords established a power sharing agreement between Turkish and Greek Cypriots. Theoretically, the stability of the government would be guaranteed by several protectorate nations. The agreement was shaky but held until 1963. In the 1950s, the Church of Cyprus had become a powerful force among the Greek Cypriot population. On religious and cultural grounds the church favored unification with the predominantly Christian nation of Greece. A coup led by Archbishop Makarios of The Church of Cyprus established stronger Greek control over the island. Turkish Cypriots were excused from the new government. An extremely violent period followed.
Within Greece, there was a divide in opinions about what to do about Makarios. He was a popular and patriotic figure among average Greeks, many of whom favored enosis. The Greek government was more nervous about Makarios. They viewed him as a hothead whose actions could threaten Greeces relations with other NATO nations (Moran, 2009). Meanwhile Makarios was working with subversive forces within Greece and rogue elements of the Greek army
President Makarios of the new provisional government sensed that Britain would not want to become involved in Cyprus again so soon after leaving. From that point on a systematic campaign to marginalize the Turkish Cypriots was carried out. Greek Cypriot militias murdered hundreds of Turkish Cypriots and made even a larger number homeless.
Turkish Cypriots looked to the protector nations for assistance but, in the climate of the Cold War, it was slow to come. The situation was incredibly dangerous for the Turkish Cypriots because attacks could come from any number of directions. The government often had plausible deniability when shady militia groups launched attacks against Turkish Cypriot communities. Help would not come until the following year.
Inaction by the protector nations only made the situation worse and encouraged the Turks to mount an armed invasion. The United Nations was ineffectual in the critical early stages of the new government. It condemned the use of force against Turkish Cypriots but did little else to stop the new regime. Makarios had the opportunity to eliminate opposition and consolidate his power.
A constitution had been established in 1960 that included specific protections for the minority Turkish Cypriots. Assuming that the President of the new republic would be a Greek Cypriot, it was mandated that the Vice President and a pre-determined percentage of the legislature be Turkish Cypriots. The Greeks approved of the deal, in part, to have the British out of Cyprus. While some Greek Cypriots approved of the 1960 Accords a more militant wing still insisted on enosis sooner rather than later.
Shortly after Makarios took power an attack was launched on the Turkish Cypriot village of Kophinou. Gen. Grivas, well-known for terrorist activities in the 1950s headed the assault. Early in the Makarios administration 10,000 Greek soldiers had been brought over to serve in the National Guard. These soldiers participated in the Kophinou attack. Later, it would be discovered that Makarios had secretly imported another 20,000 troops from the mainland along with weapons, supplies and ammunition.
These actions had consequences for the world. With the onset of intercommunal strife in Cyprus in December 1963, a new and peculiarly dangerous situation had arisen (Moran, 2009). The worlds two superpowers were monitoring the situation. Manipulation of the situation by the superpowers was entirely possible. Tensions between the superpowers were incredibly high.
The Cold War was being fought all over the world in places like Cyprus. Officials feared that genocide in Cyprus could trigger any number of events like a regional arms race, another European War or worse.
Makarios assault on the Turkish Cypriots took forms other than military. The Greek Cypriots also made constitutional changes and enacted other legislation outside the presence of Turkish Cypriots. Much of the legislation was for the purposes of power consolidation and the marginalization of the Turkish Cypriot population. The vetoes of Turkish Cypriote Vice-President Kucuk were ignored.
Prompted by the threat of genocide and by the potential escalation of a local conflict into a global conflict, the United Nations sent in peacekeeping troops in 1964. Negotiations began but the Greek Cypriots resisted a return to the status quo of the 1960 Accords. Greek Cypriot militias had murdered hundreds of Turkish Cypriots and made even a larger number homeless.
Terrorist attacks were still perpetrated on both sides. The remaining Turkish Cypriot population relocated into several small enclaves. These enclaves encompassed about 3 percent of the island, a much smaller share than they had occupied previously.
The late 1960s-1974
The situation on Cyprus stabilized itself somewhat with the presence of United Nations peacekeeping troops. The Western nations and the UN did not regard the Makarios government as being legitimate, but accepted its presence none the less. For the time being Makarios moderated his pursuit of enosis. The efforts to manipulate the Cyprus system moved underground as the island achieved a nervous status quo. Events to undermine its stability were still in the works.
In 1967 a military junta led by Gen. Dimitrios Ioannides took power in mainland Greece. Ioannides had strong links to Cyprus, having served there in the 1950s. The new Greek regime threatened to undo any progress that had been made in negotiations up to that point. An opponent of Makarios on the right, he promptly organized a coup against him in 1973. Makarios barely escaped with his life.
Nicos Sampson, a well-known terrorist, stepped in as provisional President of Cyprus following the coup in Athens. Sensing the threat to Turkish Cypriots, the Turk military began planning an invasion even while UN sponsored negotiations were still going on. All Turkish negotiations required the removal of Sampson as a prerequisite.
The United Nations became involved in direct negotiations between the sides in 1968. Several rounds of negotiations followed. The Turkish Cypriots wanted security guarantees and a return to the political equality established by the 1960 Accords. Greek Cypriots negotiated for property and settlement rights and a return of properties seized in the 1974 Turkish invasion. They claimed that Turkish rights could be protected within a structure of enosis. The Turkish Cypriots favored having two separate but equal societies on the island. Greek Cypriots were seeking an integrated structure and, ultimately, enosis with Greece.
By the time of the 1967-68 negotiations the Turkish Cypriots had experienced numerous acts of aggression by Greek Cypriots and armies imported from the Greek mainland. A Greek proposal that included enosis was a non-starter. If the Greek Cypriots could not abide by the 1960 accords, why should they be trusted with even more power on the island For their part the Greek Cypriots defended their actions on the basis that communists and other subversive elements within the Turkish Cypriot population had to be rooted out. There was also an underlying feeling among many Greek Cypriots that the terms of the 1960 Accords were fundamentally unfair to the Greek majority on the island.
When designing the 1960 agreements, British and UN diplomats had taken the fate of the minority Turks into special consideration. Greek Cypriots complained that the Turkish Cypriots enjoyed a larger share of political and constitutional power than any similar minority population in the world. Now, Turkish Cypriots were organizing in groups against the government. It was believed at the time that communist elements with links to the U.S.S.R. existed within these groups. Ironically, the same accusation would eventually be made about the Makarios government.
The summer of 1971 marked an increase in hostilities among the two, effectively separate, factions of Cypriot society. A strongly pro-enosis organization called The National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (EOKA) was secretly arming itself under the leadership of General Grivas. This organization had criticized President Makarios failure to immediately seek enosis after taking office in 1963. A number of pro-enosis newspapers were founded to increase pressure on Makarios. The military junta that ruled Greece backed those efforts as part of their attempt to overthrow Makarios.
Attempting to defend his administration from outside forces and to continue his pursuit of internal goals Makarios secretly imported a large stockpile of Czechoslovakian weapons in the mid 1960s. This had caused an international crisis. Neither Turkey nor the junta in Greece was willing to accept this. Pressure from both sides caused Makarios to relinquish the weapons but overall tensions in Cyprus were increased by the incident. Makarios was also less able to defend himself against what was to come.
Meanwhile, Grivas initiated terrorist attacks against the regime and against the Turks. Incredibly, he remained an extremely popular figure among Greeks and Greek Cypriots. In 1974 Grivas died of a heart attack and his funeral was attended by more than 100,000 mourners. Makarios immediately made gestures to enlist EOKA support but with little success.
In 1974 the Turks responded to the attempted Greek takeover of the island. England and Turkey had been among the protector nations named in the 1960 Accords. Britain was slow to act against Greek attempts to seize control of the entire island. Turkey acted more forcefully. The Turkish military had grown in capability and was ready to mount a multi-faceted invasion of Cyprus. The Turkish government believed that the lives of Turkish Cypriots were severely at risk, and that the Western nations were not going to do anything about it.
With little physical or diplomatic resistance the Turks invaded Cyprus Greek Cypriots were relocated and a perimeter around Turkish enclaves was set up. After invading, the Turks created a segregated territory. Some Greek Cypriots were made refugees. Turkish forces established control over the northern 13 of the island, effectively giving Turkish Cypriots control over more land than they had prior to the 1960 Accords.
After the 1974 Turkish invasion Turkish Cypriots went on to draft their own constitution and create their own government structure. They called their portion of the island The Turkish Federated State of Cyprus. Later this would become the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. The Republic is not an internationally recognized nation. The Cypriot government governing the rest of the island is still recognized as the legitimate authority by most countries.
In 1974 a buffer zone was set up between North and South Cyprus. The UN peacekeeping force of 1000, present since 1964, patrols the buffer zone. Free movement on the island is restricted. Turkish Cypriots, still a distinct minority, live in the North while Greek Cypriots occupy the rest of the island. These two ethnic groups comprise more than 90 percent of the population of the island.
Cyprus role in the Cold War
In the 1960s every local conflict was seen as a potential Cold War powder keg. The long shadow of the worst war in human history, World War Two, still hung over the world. In the post-war years some countries responded by reverting to isolationism. Others, like the United States, wanted to be proactive against any potential threat.
The continual conflict on Cyprus was seen alternatively as a threat and as an opportunity by the worlds two superpowers. Some historians argue that superpower involvement in Cyprus was inevitable. In the context of the Cold War Cyprus could serve as a tool for one superpower to use against the other.
That large powers will subordinate small powers (and Cyprus with a total population of less than 1 million is a very small power) is the most elementary fact of International Relations.
A communist Cyprus could conceivably give a hedge against NATO power in the Mediterranean in much the same way Cuba gives a hedge against the United States. For the NATO powers a democratic-leaning Cyprus would provide that same security against the expanding U.S.S.R. This was a time characterized by perfectly logical fears as well as irrational fears. The United States, in particular was reacting to any mention of communism anywhere in the world. It was allying itself with almost anyone who appeared to be anti-communist, even when they turned out to be despots.
Communist organizations existed on Cyprus at the time. They were not entirely confined to the Turkish communities. The degree to which they were influential or tied to the U.S.S.R. is questionable. The communist threat was often exaggerated by those wanting regime change in Cyprus, enosis or other political goals. The superpowers responded to these claims in various ways. Neither the USA nor the U.S.S.R. could do something as obvious as sending troops into Cyprus without risking a global conflict.
The resistance to British rule that erupted on Cyprus in the 1950s was typical of revolutionary struggles going on around the world. In fact, A chronology of major guerrilla wars compiled in the mid-1970s listed thirty-two since the end of the Second World War (Hobsbawm, 1994). Each was, in its own way, a consequence of the societal, cultural and economic upheaval of the Second World War. In the 1960s the Soviet Union was trying to take advantage of these conflicts to spread communism to as many places as possible. Each local war became a flashpoint in the murky, hard to define, Cold War.
There are two general historical perspectives on Cyprus entanglement with lager powers during the Cold War. First, the USA and U.S.S.R. became involved with the internal struggle on Cyprus simply to further their own strategic goals. Each superpower wanted a hedge in the Mediterranean against the other. It was inevitable, some say, that the superpowers would try to manipulate the Cyprus situation.
A second perspective lays more responsibility on Cyprus itself. Britain was trying to divorce itself from the Cyprus situation. Initially even the superpowers were willing to allow the United Nations to handle the situation if the Cypriots could not do it themselves. Even when the first conflicts arose after the 1960 Accords the international community was slow to take action.
The continual failure of Greek and Turk Cypriots to resolve their differences essentially drew the superpowers in. Whether those powers were acting to prevent genocide or for the purposes of geopolitical strategy was secondary. The Cypriots themselves provided the opportunity for foreign powers to decide their fate.
The hesitancy of the Western powers to enforce the terms of the 1960 Accords must be seen in the context of the time. What these nations feared most was communist, specifically U.S.S.R., involvement in local conflicts. Rumors of such influence were being spread about the Turkish Cypriots. For NATO and the Western powers the quickest path to stability in Cyprus was preferable. Therefore, the Makarios government received the tacit approval of many Western nations, even though his seizure of power was, in fact, illegal.
NATO nations may have also been hoping that Makarios presence would placate the Greek demands for enosis. Western intelligence was familiar with Makarios and it may have been a case of opting with the devil you know as opposed to the devil you dont know.
Analysis and conclusion
After more than 50 years the people of Cyprus crave an end to conflict. Some major influences, such as the Soviet Union, are no longer present to affect the course of Cypriot history. The European Union is now trying to deal with the Cyprus issue from an economic vantage point. In this both sides can agree. There are still issues to be worked out though.
In The Broken Olive Branch 2008, Anastasiou identifies a four stage conflict model. The initial stage is entrenchment. In the context of Cyprus, entrenchment probably occurred during British rule in the 1950s. This is a dangerous stage because
The people immersed in the conflict are quite unaware of its parameters regarding issues such as power symmetry and asymmetry, justice and injustice and grievances and reparations. (Anastasiou, 2008)
The second stage, confrontation, began in earnest after the British gave up power. The third and fourth stages, negotiation and mediation, are incomplete to this day. Some progress has been made however. The twentieth century history made by the Greek and Turkish Cypriots is nothing if not eventful.
The Republic of Cyprus was instituted by the 1960 Accords. The nature of that republic continued to change in the following years. By 1974 the nation was formally divided.
Attacks against the British and Turks by pro-Greek forces escalated during the 1950s when the British relinquished control of the island it tried to do so in a way that would not cause a genocidal power vacuum.
The influence of the Cold War unquestionably made the Cyprus situation more dangerous in 1960-74. The island has been strategically important since the time of the ancient empires. The difference is, by 1960 each superpower had the power to destroy the earth in the blink of an eye. Some historians argue that the participation of the United States and the U.S.S.R. elevated the Cyprus problem from a local dispute into a major disaster (Hitchens, 1997).
The stakes of being drawn into the Cyprus situation were incredibly high. At the same time the stakes of doing nothing were also high. Both superpowers tried to manipulate events on Cyprus secretly. To this day, all the information on superpower influence in Cyprus has not come to light. It is apparent however, that in its seemingly local conflict Cyprus was also part of a much larger geopolitical chess game.
Today it would be more constructive to view the Cyprus problem as an opportunity. A final resolution of this problem could open up a major opportunity for GreekTurkish cooperation in the future. Stabilizing this relationship is particularly important at a time when the Greek economy is disintegrating and several other European nations are threatening to follow suit.
The attempt of the 1960 Accords was to establish the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots as co-equal partners in governing the island. The Accords did not end the dispute however. Turkish Cypriots began to organize into groups in order to protect their share of the island. Some of the more militant factions resorted to terrorism. Meanwhile, many Greek Cypriots sought enosis to the exclusion of any other solution. There was terrorism perpetrated against the Turks to an even larger degree. In some instances Greek mainland military troops were implicated.
On paper, The Republic of Cyprus was formed in 1960s. It was hoped that this agreement would serve as a template for the resolution of other world conflicts and establish the United Nations as a viable institution. Obviously, things did not go as planned. The Republic of Cyprus, in its current form would not emerge until 1974.
Disputes between the two predominant ethnic groups on Cyprus have permeated the history of the island. Still they managed to live in some state of cooperation until the larger world powers became involved in the 20th century. The history of Cyprus shows the inherent difficulty when large nations try to form smaller nations in their image. It also shows both the benefits and the drawbacks of internationalization.
Post 1974 Cyprus is a divided nation. Perhaps this is the way it would have been in 1960 had the citizens of Cyprus been allowed to decide their own fate. In the 1950s radical organizations formed to antagonize the British rulers of Cyprus. When British control was relinquished these organizations turned their guns on each other, either in favor of, or against the new government. It is possible that the presence of the British radicalized the Cypriot population. It is impossible to tell what would have become of the island had the British never came.
The importance of Cyprus during this era can be seen in the many United Nations resolutions and the involvement of the worlds two superpowers. It was as dangerous as it was important. Ethnic relocations, arbitrary laws and terrorist attacks were the most obvious signs of strife. Underneath it all, the superpowers were playing a deadly game of chess in which Cyprus was a pawn. At any time, the Cyprus situation could have served as a trigger for much worse Cold War hostilities.
It is understandable that two countries like Greece and Turkey would have competing claims over a place like Cyprus. Both have long histories there. Both need the assets Cyprus has to offer. Both have proud cultural heritages. What the decade and a half studied here makes clear is that entangling alliances, lack of cooperation and ethnic cleansing has global consequences in the nuclear age. There is no longer such a thing as a local conflict.
Fifty years after its founding the Republic of Cyprus is still a work in progress. Whether it, or part of it, will officially become art of Greece is still to be determined. World powers played a major role in shaping the Cyprus we have today. Even so, the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots ultimately played the most important role in the years 1960 to 1974, and they will in the future. As much as their hearts and pasts may be tied to the mother countries the Cold War era experience shows that they are Cypriots first. Cooperation or lack of it, between them will determine the ultimate fate of the Republic.
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