Political Science

In the course of history, the world has seen the rise of different insurgencies for different causes. The Khmer Rouge fought against the imperialism of a foreign power on their soil, the Viet Cong fought first fought against the French and the succeeding American powers that held sway over their country. In a smaller sense, some insurgencies were fought for the cause of advancing a particular ideology, as in the case of the Chinese Red Army and the Russian Bolsheviks. The cause of Colombias  Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, or FARC, started out in the establishment of an ideology, but has strayed to the point that it s now considered as a terrorist group even by the United States. 

Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia The Beginnings
One of the closest allies of the United States in the Latin American region, Colombia, has been devastated by one of the longest running Communist insurgencies in the world, with left guerrilla organizations fighting against right wing paramilitary groups. Two of the largest radical groups, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN) have been listed in the United States State Departments foreign terrorist groups list. Under the auspices of Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, massive flows of American funding were channeled into the war torn country, reducing the FARC and the ELN in terms of manpower and funds. But peace negotiations have been mired by difficulties in the course of the talks. Allegations that the FARC has been the beneficiary of aid from neighboring Venezuela has further muddled the talks between the government and the rebels (Stephanie Hanson, 2009). 

Both the FARC and the ELN were established in the 1960s, as a result of the power sharing agreement of Colombias two main political parties agreed to end their conflict that lasted more then ten years (Hanson, 2009). Created as the military component of the Colombian Communist Party, the FARC is considered as the oldest, biggest, most experienced and most advanced in terms of weaponry of Colombias insurgent groups. Led by Manuel Marulanda or Tirofijo, the septuagenarian heads the rebel group with a six other men in the secretariat, which includes the most superior military commander in its ranks, Jorge Briceno or Mono Jojoy (Global Security, 2010).

The FARC finds it beginnings in the decade long internal conflict in the country, the period known as La Violencia, starting in the later years of the 1940s. In that period, an obdurate military autocracy strangled the country, resulting in the flight from mainline of a number of nonconformist Liberal and Communist Party members to found their own agrarian and Communist inclined  republics .  The largest of these communities, a thousand strong enclave, was in Marquetalia, in the Andes Mountains range (Global, 2010).

Though the ELN and the FARC maintain similar ideologies, with ELN claiming to be the more ideological of the two groups, both claim to be representative of the same cause. Both of these groups state they are fighting for the poor masses against the wealthier classes of Colombias society and the dominion of the United States in the affairs of Colombia, the act of privatizing the natural resources of the country, multinational business concerns and the violence that is being perpetrated by rightist elements. Indications are that the groups are seeking for political recognition, but that demand has been ambiguous as to what that recognition will cost (Hanson, 2010).

The Colombian conflict is not only to be construed as a topic of interest to scholars of Latin American political dynamics but also to a wider audience of academicians and enthusiasts focusing upon the agents of human violence. The nation is a testing area of trying to decipher the social as well as the political frameworks that abet in the creation of excessive levels of atrocity. The current discussion ousts the current beliefs in the arena of political science that have centered on the idea that the human nature, even at inception, as inhuman and brutal. In relation to this hypothetical premise, a study on Colombias unique, antedated idea of what  constitutes political space  as parts and not wide spaces that is commonly seen in nation states (Jame Francis Rochlin, 2003).

The characteristic feature in the time of the rose of the rebel movement came in the 1980s, when the military capabilities of both left wing and right wing military forces were accruing dramatically until the onset of the 1990s, alone larger than all the past 30 years in the history of the nation. The leader of the revolution for the independence of Colombia did not come from the Colombian nation, but from its neighbor, Simon Bolivar. Gran Colombia, an aspiration of Bolivar thought of to include todays countries of Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia, became a reality in 1821 with the ratification  of the Cucuta treaty. But after from a sojourn to fight for  independence in Ecuador, Bolivar was greeted by the desire of the elite in the nations political hierarchy to secede from Gran Colombia (Rochlin, 2003).

The political elite in the country stated that they would rather stay in control over fractious parts of the country rather than be united in a centralized unit of government, the dream of Gran Colombia envisioned by Bolivar. The point here is that from the beginning, the countrys political elitist structure, the landowners and the businessmen, would rather stay  in separation from a central unit of government, believing in the idea that power that is not in the hands of one entity and making that power dispersed, is more amenable to them than being united. A contributing factor to this view may be the physical geographic encumbrances that has cut off many parts of the country.  But even with this fact, this will not be sufficient in analyzing the peculiar dispersed and disconnected relation from the structures of power (Rochlin, 2003).

The ruling elite in the country, simply put, cannot acquiesce themselves to a centralized form of governance. As earlier stated, this fact may be due to the physical boundaries that are present in the country that contributed to the isolationism particularly in the aspect of government. But cases like Mexico and other states in the Latin American region would seem to debunk this theory. States like Mexico have forged strong federation ties with their own respective localities, as in the case of other Latin American countries (Rochlin, 2003). 

Other countries, similarly placed as being part of a colonial past also had a centralized form of government, but did not view their colonial past in the negative sense. In the case of Colombia, the political aristocracy were influenced by the antedated system inclined towards or similar to the feudal system of the city states, in opposition to the nation-state concept with the centralized form of government and the advocacy for nationalism. In the first hundred years after the independence of the country was gained, the two dominant political groups in the country at the time, the Liberals and the Conservatives, waged internal conflicts, 1830-31, 1842,1851, 1854, 1860-62, 1876-77, 1885 and in 1895, finally reaching its climax with the War of 1,000 Days from 1899-1902. The Conservatives defended the interests of the politicians with lands who reigned via the system of encomiendas, roughly translated is akin to the European concept of feudalism. Loyal to the Catholic Church, they dedicated themselves at blearing the distinctions between political statutes and the influence of the Church (Rochlin, 2003).

The Liberals were in favor with most of the tenets of modernism and the popular political frameworks in practice in Europe. They advocated free trade, mercantile profits, a secular state and the concept of Federalism. But even though the Liberals were fierce advocates for secularism, Colombia, for the most part, remained loyal to the Catholic Church, which was a sense of identity for many Colombians, and the other was their loyalty to the other party.  The Colombian fundamental law of 1853, 1858 and 1863 were hewn roughly from the patterns found in the constitutions in the countries of Europe, and have regarded as models of the most autonomous federal accords in the world (Rochlin, 2003).

These conflicts in the country have seen the rise of the sub states in the country that is defying the power and the authority of the government in Bogot. The rise in the challenge to the government has led to the increase in the demand for small caliber firearms, all  contraband. The geography of Colombia is also a major factor in the increase and the proliferation of these arms and the trafficking of the same in and out of the country. The current conflict in the country is anchored on class rather than on the issues of  ethnic origins. Colombian papers have again called this period as La Violencia, the same name to the period of social upheaval from 1948 to 1972, the term being annotated to the times of severe instability and strife in the country (Kim Cragin, Bruce Hoffman, United States Defense Intelligence Agency, 2003).

The fragmented regions in Colombia did not exist in a peaceful manner with each other, exacerbating the violent tendencies in the region. Each department in Colombia kept its own private armed group, one of many in the country. These private armies were comprised in large part by workers who were serving in the encomiendas, thus these individuals were utilized both as workers on the agricultural estates of the encomienderos and as private soldiers protecting the interests of the landed elite in the country.  These militias were used to compose the private armies, combining several groups of encomienda  soldiers to form a larger armed group (Rochlin, 2003).

The rate and the ferocity of the conflicts of the internal conflicts of the country points to two facts. One, the event of violence in the history of the country has become to accepted as a form of settling conflicts in the society and in the realm of political disputes. This is because the federal platform has been next to inutile in providing for a credible forum for settling disputes in conflict events. Second, the element of balance in Colombia has been vacuous in the political system in Colombian politics. This sense of equilibrium has never been addressed between the groups on any level, and no party has achieved domination or even significant influence required to hinder another party from instigating violence (Rochlin, 2003). 

The tension between the Liberals and the Conservatives again displayed itself in the affairs of the country, now anchored more on the economic depression as a result of the American Great Depression. The aftermath of the economic crisis did not hit the country as it were for its regional neighbors, mainly since the country has achieved a degree of self sufficiency in the decade in the 1920s and 1930s. The Liberals achieved power in the 1930s, but the Liberal administration of Lopez Pumarejo from 1934-38 and the  Revolution on the March  movement that stoked the ire of the Conservatives. As the Liberals tried to impose its belief in secularism, this action antagonized the Catholic Church, a major supporter of the Conservatives (Rochlin, 2003).

In an effort ton stop the bloodbath being waged by the two parties, in a way to hinder the re occurrence of the brutal events in the period of La Violencia, the Liberals and the Conservatives enforced the 1958 National Front, an agreement that allowed the two parties that were the two primary agents of the conflicts in the country since its independence. But with this development, a new period of inception of political isolationism and conflict emerged in this era, resulting in the birth of the leftist armed groups in the country. Thus, the former rightist enemies would soon find themselves as allies in the conflict against the left wing armed groups in the global stage of the Cold War (Rochlin, 2003).

Despite the rise of the tenets of modern society in Colombia, the country still retained the significant facets of the antedated virtues that would characterize the country from the other, and larger, developing nations in the Latin American region. Primary among these facets is the persisting dispersion and fragmented distribution of power across the country. The needed resilient state and the attendant mechanisms for conflict resolution was still outside of Colombias horizon. As the Liberals and the Conservatives have achieved some degree of acting in unison, the left wing elements in the country still remained splintered and uncentered. The act of violence continued to be the preferred avenue of resolving conflicts, leaving the country resembling the feudal city states, rather than a developed and modern nation state (Rochlin, 2003). 

The National Front eliminated the brutal conflicts between the factions of the Liberals and the Conservatives that ruined the country from the time that the country gained independence to the middle of the 20th century. As the National Front was established, the two parties played the same game of political ostracization. For a period of 150 years, Liberals and Conservatives attempted to obviate other sectors in the society from the political agora. The belief of the Liberals as they assumed political power was the fragmentation of the weak Colombian state, ass opposed to the advocacy of the Conservatives to buttress the central form of government in the country (Rochlin, 2003).

The FARC grew in the 1980s by channeling into profits gained by investing in primary goods, identified by World Bank reports as a important factor in the increase of insurgencies in some developing nations. Taking advantage of a ceasefire in hostilities with the administration of President Belisario Betancur, the rebels used the period in an expansion and consolidation policy in areas with a dearth in resources, such as cattle production, agricultural businesses, oil exploration and production and gold mining activities. Apart from these business activities, the FARC also profited from smuggling activities in the areas near the border of the country (Angel Rabasa, Peter Chalk, 2001).

The Role of Illegal Drugs and Arms
Panama has taken a pivotal role in the growth of the smuggling activities of the rebel groups, especially in the areas of illegal arms trafficking and illegal narcotics smuggling. Illegal narcotics move away from the border as the country (Panama) acts as a transshipment point to route the drugs to markets in the United States and the European mainland, while illegal arms shipments make their way to the guerrillas and illegal crime groups armories. On the outer fringes of the Panamanian border, government and law enforcement officials have been close to infective as can be. In reports from source within Panama, there are two groups of armed elements of the FARC, about the size of a battalion each that operate out of Darien, a town within the borders of Panama, but practically an extension of the FARCs influential stronghold in the country (Rand).

Apart from the informal aid that Panama provides to the rebel movement, Cuba has been instrumental in the provision of various forms of aid to the rebel cause, from medical supplies as well as consultation on the actions that the rebel movement will undertake. At present, litigation is underway in the capital of Bogot to evaluate evidence that the IRA- the Irish Republican  Army, whose elements who were captured upon leaving the safe haven area of the FARC- provided the rebel group with highly advanced bomb making techniques. Though the rebel areas are not considered as major narcotics, specifically cocaine, the group also engages in extortion, or taxation , activities to bolster their coffers (Global Security, 2010).

In the period of the 1970s through the 80s, the rebel movement strengthened its claim to legitimacy by establishing its own educational system, judicial structure, health care system and an agrarian based economy, all within its own republic in the far-flung regions in Colombia.  It was so during this time that the group expanded to more than 20 battalions, establishing them as the biggest rebel group in South America. They have strengthened their grip on the remote areas of Colombia by enhancing education, health care and infrastructure in these far flung Colombian regions.  With the accruing support for the FARC and left wing politics, the Betancur government moved for a cease fire with the rebel groups, culminating with the La Uribe peace agreement in May of 1984. The accords called for the establishment of the FARC as a legitimate political party , Union Patriotica, calling for anti corruption laws, severe sanctions against illegal narcotics traffickers and land and economic reforms (On line, 2003).

At present, the FARC has initiated moves that will centralize its operations in illegal drugs and arms smuggling in the light of the movement of para military groups against them. In one instance, there were reports of one of the largest mass abductions in the history of the country, with 170 rural workers taken by the group and ten more killed by the group. President Alvaro Uribe mobilized a battalion to the area, with the commander of the military refuting the claim, saying that the actual number of the kidnapped victims to only 35. The misrepresentation  of the facts displays the degree of desperation that local Colombian executives as they wait for the deployment of the 40,000 rural law enforcement troops. Apart from the desperation of the local Colombian executives also shows the growing incidents of security loop holes in Colombia (Samuel Logan, 2003).

FARC and a near war
Near the end of March, three South American countries almost declared war with each other. The Colombian army, in their battle against the FARC, has conduced a raid inside Ecuadoran territory, killing one of the senior military leaders of the group, Raul Reyes, and Colombian military elements crossed into Ecuador, retrieved Reyes body and other equipment, and crossed back into Colombia.  Though the Organization of American States, in negotiating for a peaceful settlement to the border incursion done by Colombian troops, did state that Colombia had infringed on the territorial rights of Ecuador, did not execrate the actions of Colombia. Despite supporting the resolution of the OAS, two countries with ideological affinities to the rebel group, Venezuela and Nicaragua, opposed the position of the OAS (Vladimir Torres, 2008).

The opposition of Venezuela and Nicaragua to the position of the OAS not only showed the relationships of the two countries with the leftist group but also revealed deeper connections between the FARC and the leaders of the two countries, Hugo Chavez and Daniel Ortega, presidents of Venezuela and Nicaragua, respectively. Venezuela and Ecuador moved to sever diplomatic relations with Colombia, which was swiftly followed by Ortega, influenced by the politics of oil being peddled by Chavez. Also, the new radical beliefs of  Rafael Correa, Ecuadors president, has put the peace resolution of the OAS on an unstable footing, again influenced by Venezuelas Chavez and the support of Nicaraguas Ortega. Only the non participation of Brazil, Chile, Uruguay and Bolivia has prevented the scales fro going either way (Torres, 2008).

Ecuadors case in the conflict is seeming to reflect one of two things, either the countrys border controls are extremely lax in keeping rebels out of the country or the country is implicitly supporting the rebels activities against Colombia. Though the case of Ecuadors alleged support of the rebels is quite vague, Venezuela, led by Chavez, is an outspoken supporter of the group. In supporting his stance against a possible Colombian incursion into Venezuela should Colombia state that there are FARC elements in the county, Chavez mobilized ten armored battalions against the Colombian border, and ordered his Minister of foreign affairs to close the Venezuelan office in Bogot (Torres, 2008).

But the aggression being shown by Chavez against his Latin American neighbor is seen to be more connected with his local issues than with the Colombia and Ecuador dispute. Popular support for the Venezuelan strongman has taken a tailspin after a failed December initiative to alter Venezuelas fundamental law. Though the prices of oil had reached record levels, the country is still experiencing shortages in food times, as government price controls have weakened the economy.  Chavez sees the conflict between the countries as a chance to solidify domestic support for his government, draw attention from the internal dilemmas of the country, foster the elements needed to declare a state of emergency and crush opposition, labeling these voices as traitors to the country (Torres, 2008). 

It is seen that Venezuela and Colombia are significant factors in the security of the United States. Venezuela is not only one of the largest oil producers in the world, but also a critical and important agent in the region, whose foreign and local policies can have a significant impact on the Colombian conflict. Many Venezuelans believe that being a neighbor with conflict ridden Colombia, their own security is tied to the events in that nation. Another topic of interest to Venezuelans apart from the narcotics and arms smuggling in Colombia, is the growing incidents of illegal immigration flowing across Venezuelan borders from Colombia and the creation of links between criminal groups across the borders of both countries.  A third of the Venezuelan armed forces is stationed at the Colombian border with the country to try and protect the country from the entry of criminal and other undesirable elements to the country (Rand).

As the FARC has become active in the narcotics market, the ideological vehemence that made the movement attractive to earlier FARC recruits has all but disappeared, and the support for the group among the people has waned.  But the dispiriting poverty levels in Colombia has continued to attract recruits into the ranks of the rebel movement. In an effort to quash the growing incidents of rebel taxation, murders, abductions in the Colombia, the new President of Colombia, Andres Pastrana, moved to initiate peace talks with the rebels, beginning with the removal of all Colombian military units in the Rebel controlled southern regions of Colombia. The move drew the ire of the Colombian military leadership, and the FARC took advantage of the with drawl to instigate new assaults, thus placing the peace talks in dire straits (Harvey Kushner, 2003).

The United States, in an effort to crush the illegal drugs trade in the country, authorized a  1.3 billion package to the government. Though the aid was for the elimination of elements in the drug trade, the FARC interpreted this move of the United States as a tool to eliminate them, and this led to the collapse of the peace talks between the government and the rebel group. In early 2002, Pastrana directed the Armed Forces to take the initiative in destroying the rebel movement, and in the United States, then United States President George W. Bush asked for more financial aid to be channeled to Colombia, with specific instructions that these funds were to be used against the FARC itself and the other rebel organizations operating in the country. But military analysts aver that even with the American aid to combat these groups, the military establishment in Colombia cannot win against the FARC or to totally eliminate them completely. All that can be hoped for is a military stalemate, making the FARC realize that they cannot win a decisive military victory over the government (Kushner, 2003).

It is seen that the continued expansion of the FARC will pose a threat to the security of not only Colombia, but also to the rest of the world as well. The threat of the FARC in Colombia will make the country one of the most dangerous locations and a threat to the stability of the Latin American region for many years, decades even, to come (Kushner, 2003). The global community must take cognizance that the duly elected government in Colombia is not only faced with a resilient and expanding rebel movement, but a local terrorist organization funded by its activities in abductions, extortion and illegal drugs. Reyes, the military leader killed in the raid by Colombian military forces in Ecuador was found to be personally responsible for criminal acts against the government and the people of Colombia (Torres, 2003).   

The FARC is a rebel group that is not wanting in resources, with research studies pinning their linkages to the illegal drug trade. Half of the operating fronts of the rebel movement are connected and profiting from the illegal narcotics trade. The FARC elements profit from this nefarious trade from the solicitation of gramaje, or fees collected for guarding and provision of services to drug manufacturers and transporters (Rabasa, Chalk, 2001). Following the capture of Rodrigo Granda, a member of FARC, in Venezuela by bounty hunters hired by the Colombian government in 2004, Venezuelas Chavez denounced the arrest of Granda as a violation of the sovereignty of Venezuela and demanded an explanation from Colombia (Global, 2010).

The standoff was defused following bilateral talks between Chavez and Colombias Uribe in 2005. Granda was in Caracas, according to FARC sources, to represent the group in a conference sponsored by Bolivia in the Venezuelan capital. But it was alleged that Granda was in Caracas to gather support for the rebel group from the international community. This is the crux of the conflict between Bogot and Caracas, the support of Chavez for the FARC and the non cooperative stance it has taken against a threat to one of his countrys neighbors, its people and government (Global, 2010).