Struggle for Reforms in Japan

Japanese nationalism includes a wide range of ideologies and responses held by the people of Japan in the past two centuries as regards their local nation, culture, politics, traditions and history. History of the country reveals a tense struggle by the knowledgeable Japanese people against state-sponsored nationalism through advocating for international education. This is the genesis of International Education Movement (Tsutsui, 1998). The nature of nationalism in Japan reveals a situation where the leaders sought to rule the masses through oppression. Most of the literature showing nationalism in the country shows the way educational institutions were utilized to develop nationalism in the country. Educational institutions were used to further the interests of the leaders. Students were taught partisanship and loyalty in the effort to form and disseminate a universal national identity as well as a communal national perception where none was in existence. Japan is often sighted as a good example of this kind of nationalism that happened from the end of the nineteenth century going into the twentieth century. Generally, literature reveals the initial two decades of the Meiji era as the time when contemporary national perception combined with a rejuvenated nativist identity to establish an emperor-centered nationalism. This was made possible by the state through the formation of obligatory, nationalized educational system. This view is given support by referencing the Imperial Rescript on Education. This is also considered as the factor that contributed to the successive expansion of the Japanese imperialism and the nations efforts to colonize counties abroad. The efforts began to bear fruits with the countrys success in the Sino-Japan War. This paper is a critical evaluation on nationalism, Imperialism and the international education movement in early twentieth century Japan. Nationalism normally entails the recognition of a national individuality with a state. This includes the principle that a persons nation is of utmost significance over others. The term is also used to refer to a movement to create or offer protection to an independent state for a particular community. In many cases, the recognition of a homogenous general society is associated with a destructive idea on other societies (Kikuchi, 2004). Imperialism is the establishment and maintaining of uneven financial, cultural and protective associations, mostly among nations and regularly in the shape of an empire founded on supremacy and subordination. This concept has been considered a basically western aspect that uses expansionist arrangements (Kikuchi, 2004).   
 
The international education movement was aimed at inverting the connection between education and nationalism as conventionally understood. The organization of this movement was a conscious and arranged one. The supporters of the move argue that it was not only aimed at reducing the number of hours the educators were supposed to stay with the students teaching them nationalism and partisanship, but in utilizing the education system in disseminating a fresh form of nationalism that was completely different from the one that was based on the state. As a result there was a conflict in reconceptualizing the concept of Japanese state individuality, the appropriate interrelationship between Japan and non-Japan persons, and the right place for the Japanese in the society of states (Lincicome, 1999).   
       
The second aspect of the movement was that it was a phenomenon that happened at a period when very few Japanese intellectuals least expected. The intellectuals would never have expected it to happen approximately between the termination of Russo-Japanese War and Manchurian Incident (Lincicome, 1999). History suggests that apart from the professors and students of the influential universities, the rest of the community was unaware of the scholarly, political and enlightening force that engulfed the country during that period. It is argued that the nation saw the educational institutions as its primary line of resistance from the followers of meticulous philosophies like internationalism, egalitarianism, and Marxism. As a result, they systematically managed educational institutions to prevent these philosophical confronts. However, the movements suggested that other faction of the educational society were involved in this uproar, particularly considering the fact that majority of its influential heads were participating in the simultaneously running novel education and open-minded education. These movements also brought about their own confronts to the nationalism-based educational systems (Lincicome, 1999).   
      
The proponents of the international education movement considered themselves as doing their service to the nation. They argued that they were servants of the nation and that whatever they were doing was to protect and preserve it. Most of the proponents had most of their vocational years in the field of teaching. The supporters were reformers and not activists. They held the belief that the association between the nation and its citizens, and the philosophy of nation-based nationalism that supported the status-quo had no place in the 20th century. Their idea of international education was both an analysis of these limitations and also efforts to change the nation and the community in the perspective of the transforming periods (Lincicome, 1999).     
    
There are two most probable reasons why the discussion on international education has been abandoned for a long time. The first reason is that the researchers tend to have overlooked the historical importance of the countrys association with internationalism in the past century. Whenever it is referenced, internationalism in the country before the Second World War is usually remembered in one of the following manners. The first one is as a periphery movement that was initiated by a minority group of religious people and socialists throughout and following the Russo-Japan War, primarily on pacifistic bases. The second one is as a measured political scheme coordinated by the Japan foreign minister in the 1920s that gathered only unpretentious aid from a small group of collaborators in the foreign and finance ministries and a few influential business people. In the two cases, internationalism is not considered to have posed a severe dispute to the strategies of imperialism in the state before the war or even to the support of the citizens for the strategies (Lincicome, 1999). 
        
The other reason is that the available accounts on nationalism and education in contemporary Japan have, up until lately, put emphasis on the colossal nature of the nation and the government-supported nationalism. They have also revealed the colossal character of hegemonic influence of the nation over the educational system, and come to a conclusion that the education institutions and the staff operated as little more than channels for disseminating the nationalism philosophy. At least two cohorts of researchers have retraced the supposed connection between the educational system of Japan before the war and the government-supported, sovereign-centered nationalism and imperialism in the late 19th century. After the ushering of the speedy course of Westernization during the ten years following the Meiji era, the Meiji politicians were made to believe that things had gone too far. As a result, this initiated a conformist counterattack (Tsutsui, 1998). The counterattack concluded with deliberations like propagation of the Imperial Rescript of Education more prominence on ethical teaching, and the reestablishment of Confucian morals into the prospectus the establishment of martial system of PE for the purpose of instilling obedience and reverence to power and more state power over the education system. This evaluation typifies Japanese educational system as progressively more conformist and particularistic. It also reveals the leadership as colossal and dictatorial (Lincicome, 1999).       
   
There is no need for overruling their common wrap ups that the government in the country before the war exerted undue authority over the educational system to repeal opposition and gather philosophical aid for the Pacific War. The extent of their implication should not be restricted exclusively to the disappointment of the attempts in stemming the surge of ultranationalism. The attempts had taken place in the 1930s (Lincicome, 1999).     
     
During this period, nationalism in Japan encompassed a combination of local and foreign political ideologies. The philosophies were originally established by the Meiji administration in support of state accord and partisanship. The primary role of the ideologies was resistance against colonization by European authorities and thereafter in the efforts to acquire parity with the states that had the capability to put forth their authority on an international level. The ideologies developed through the Taisho era and Showa eras. The developments came up as an effort to rationalize a developing totalitarian regime and abroad expansionism. They were also aimed at providing a political and philosophical base for the activities of the military in the country for the period going up to the Second World War. The nationalism was typified by imperial cult and ethno-religious features. In spite of these characters, nationalism operated in the same way as Western radical and authoritarian political philosophy (Kikuchi, 2004). 

The most rigorous confronts to the nations maneuvering of state-sponsored nationalism and its power over the learning took place in the era period of Taisho Imperial Democracy. This era is recognized as the time flanked by the Russo-Japanese War and Manchurian Incident. This was during the time when reformers started simultaneous protest advocating for open-minded learning and international education (Kikuchi, 2004).

The Taisho era was initiated by the new emperor after the demise of the Meiji emperor. This era is referred to as the period of great enlightenment. Due to the poor health of the new emperor, the political authority was shifted from the previous oligarch faction of senior statesmen to the Diet of Japan and the independent Parties. It is as a result that the period is recognized as the period of the liberal movement referred to as the Taisho Democracy (Lincicome, 1999).                                             
There are arguments that the supporters of citizen-centered society argued upon the bases of the ordinary citizens refusing the extremely westernized, civilized, and functional nature of the Meiji authoritys early learning decrees. They were also against the intransigent acts by the conventionalists to reestablish Confucian ethics. They claimed that learning must be founded on the character of the humankind itself, and that it should put more emphasis on education by practice so as to develop the character of sovereignty and self-sufficiency. This character is necessary for the performance of legitimate administration, which is the absolute assurance of personal contentment and state potency in the contemporary society (Lincicome, 1999).   
      
An additional example has been credited to Miyaka Setdurei from 1860 to 1945. He was commonly viewed as a strong supporter of cultural nationalism.  He brought up an international view to support the hypothesis of the conservation of the national spirit. Miyaka maintained that devotion to ones country is devotion to the world. He observed the world, the state and the people as units of one organ, that is, the cosmos. He claimed that every unit in this organ has its own responsibility and capability. It is expansion of these capabilities that promote the evolution of the universal culture and causes future awareness of reality, decency and splendor. Miyaka advocated for the autonomy of the people and states as a way of promoting human capability (Lincicome, 1999). 
         
During the regime of the ministry of education that begun at the time of the Sino-Japan War, Saionji, cautioned in opposition to a narrow biased stress on instilling the national spirit by ethical ideologies that advocated the assets of devotion and filial goodness. This is generally what is referred to as Kokutai (the national essence). This was a kind of nationalism that was used by the state to further politics and propaganda in the country. He claimed that doing this would see the country fall behind the development of the world enlightenment, and consequently loses out in the fiscal competition with the rest of the world. If the country continued to support Kokutai, it would never develop. This was because this ideology was narrow-minded and one-sided. It was not an aspect that could oversee the development of the country but for use in furthering the interests of a few who were in leadership. Kokutai was mainly the original political ideology in Japan. It was used to inspire and unify the country and provide the state with a political framework that was based on propaganda. The structure was meant to be the basis for the system of legal monarchy. Unlike the ideology of democracy that has a general plea, the national essence was significant only in the country. This ideology did not contribute the development of political ideologies in any other country, even with the efforts of the state to expend it to its colonies (Lincicome, 1999).     
       
The supporters of the Saionji ideologies argued that the best way to deliver the country from this collapse would be to emphasis on science education, teaching of foreign dialects, and educating women. They even supported the making of English language a mandatory course and eradicating national text from the prospectus. In his ideas, this was to train the young people in the country after war for statesmanship in a global Japan (Lincicome, 1999). 
         
Saionji, put forward a metaphoric, theoretical, philosophical, and practical challenge to the people who described nationalism and imperialism in contrasting terms, where the nationalism rutted the concerns of the nation against those of the people and imperialism rutted the concerns of the nation against other nations. Saionji preached of complimentarity where the concerns of the country were connected to the concerns of the international society, especially those of the western communities. He did this by advocating for science and foreign language education instead of ethical education and putting forward a proposal for a fresh redesigning of the educational system (Lincicome, 1999).           
The coming out of the country as a colonial destined that there was a requirement for it to function with greater responsibility and acquire a greater position in the international affairs. It was also necessary that the interests of the country and those of the international community be connected to those of the people. Therefore the educational systems of the country at the period of imperialism was required to have esteem to peoples dissimilarities, cultivate abilities, and mingle personalities in order for the people of Japan to associate their personal needs to those of the country and the international community (Lincicome, 1999).
          
Another individual who advocated for international education was Izumi Tetsu. His ideas were motivated by similar democratic impulses that enlightened his stands on colonial policy. Izumi blamed the state for imposing its ideologies in its colonies. He opposed the authoritys strategies for incorporating its colonial subjects in Korea and Taiwan. At the same time, the authorities distinguished against the subjects by enforcing similar duties upon them in the same way it did with its own citizens, while not providing any of the privileges enjoyed by the local citizens. The authority had also caused confusion in the colonies by struggling to impose Japanese culture, tradition and language (Lincicome, 1999). He realized that the oppressive strategies that it imposed on its colonies were not at all different from those that were used in the country. The only way to eradicate the authoritarian regime in the country would be to liberalize the nation, and the only way this was possible would be through accommodating international education. Just as Saionji, Izumi advocated for the eradication the single-minded, one-sided kind of education and embracing the international education. He believed that the international education would promote political liberalization both in the country and abroad. According to Izumi the unique characteristic of the system would be the people participating in the political affairs of the state (Lincicome, 1999).         
   
Noguchi Entaro was in support of the international education, but he argues that in spite despite the embracing of the trend towards a global education, the efforts to achieve this objective should not be left in the hands of the political and economical powers. It is based on his ideas that International Education Society was established. Noguchi eliminated the examination system, allowed independence in the dorms, and put efforts in establishing a happy and flexible environment where both the educators and learners were motivated to embrace nature and adore humankind (Lincicome, 1999).             

Shimonaka was a strong believer in the Marxian philosophies. His efforts were bent on representing the interests of the working class. This was because he observed that the working class was being exploited. Just like Nogcuhi whom they worked with for some time, Shimonaka was a revolutionalist. He possessed the desire to establish education principles in improving the educational systems globally without affecting the prevailing constitutional rights and liberties of entity countries. He also advocated for global recognition of countrys liberties without consideration on race and culture. He supported the fostering of the worth of the distinct national characteristics. He interpreted his objectives as per Marxian ideas as a finely camouflaged effort by the developed capitalist, imperialist states to sustain their economic and cultural powers over the third world states, at the moment when these nations are starting to air their own wishes. 

Whereas Izumi, Noguchi and Shimonaka, emphasized on the eradication of prevailing nationalism in favor of international education, Onoue sought to support his idea of national education. He sought to defend it from fundamental extremists in the international education movement. He argued that it was a misconception to come to conclusions that the subject of national ethics and prevailing nationalism were only aimed at preparing the people for war. His idea reveals him as more of a realist than a radicalist. He asserts that the need for international education does not mean a complete end to the national education. He supports the continued teaching of the national morality. He argues that even if the national and international moralities are complimentary, the international morality will never be able to take the place of the national morality. According to him the significance of national morality is based on the support of national, cultural and traditional disparities. He bases this on the national essence, which is a moral kokutai founded in the nature of its continuous line of the countrys emperors. He claims that the kokutai was the country was already related to global morality of humanism, pacifism and compassion (Lincicome, 1999).           

Sawayanagi argues that international education was not a fresh concept. It was only an awakening for a fresh interest in the coming up of the Great War. The roots of the international education could be traced to the ancient Greece and Rome. He sought to reassure his audience that the concept was not new and that it was not aimed at drawing them from their ideological tradition. He argued that if the community was to develop and become fully enlightened the boundary between nationals and international education could vanish. In his work, he moved from the local realm, to Asian and then to internationalism. He also urged the adoption of Asianism, as the fresh policy that was based in the Japanese education system after the war. According to him, Japan was the only Asian country that was in a position to promote liberalization and development. Therefore advancement of Asian civilization could only be possible through the promotion of Asianism. It is clear that Asianism system of education was not only adapted in Japan, but also in most parts of the west. The class system that is currently adapted in America has its roots in Japan (Lincicome, 1999).   
      
There are very many other Japanese people and philosophers who supported the prospects of international education as the basic way of ending the state-sponsored nationalism, the state-controlled educational system and the authoritarian kind of regime (Kikuchi, 2004).The support for international education came up as a result of enlightenment concerning transformation domestically and overseas, particularly following the Sino-Japan War.

The International Education of Japan was established with the aim of promoting the universal welfare of humankind. The unfortunate thing is that the idea of international education failed to take effect and expand in the country. The most significant evaluation of the fledging International Education Movement is incorporated in the International Education Societys publication (Lincicome, 1999).               
Nevertheless, basing on the fact that there is a common conviction that the government began the power over education in the 1880s up until the time Japan was defeated in 1945, there is no clear evidence of what the efforts achieved. There is also no clear indication on whether well-known education officers and teachers put any efforts in contesting the absolute authority by the state on the educational system. It is evident on the other hand that the self-proclaimed supporters of the liberalization and international education did come up with proper education policies. Nevertheless, they were bent on the belief that government-supported nationalism which advocated allegiance and partisanship to the emperor would eventually make weak instead of enhancing the position of the state in the society of states (Tsutsui, 1998). 

There was a serious struggle for the end of the conventional nationalism in Japan. As it is detailed in the available literature, it is clear that most people in Japan struggled to ensure international education took effect over the state-controlled education. It is evident that the state-controlled education was aimed at promoting nationalism in the country. This is the reason why most of the supporters of the termination of nationalism supported the international education movement. The struggle took quite a long time from the end of the 19th century to early 20th century. The struggle became tenser in the 20th century. Quite a number of literature revealing the struggle and support for the movement has been availed, but researches do not reveal much about the accomplishments of the movement. 

Due to the efforts of the revolutionalists in the country as well as the enlightenment of the people, Japanese system of education has changed a great deal. The prevalent nationalism that was used by the political leaders to further their interests is a thing of the past. Although not everything from the nationalism was eradicated, internationalism was adapted to great length in the country. This is what has seen the country develop both politically and economically.                                       

0 comments:

Post a Comment