Political Science

The first decade of the second millennium has witnessed an escalation of conflict in the Middle East region. Predictably, this has spawned the emergence of private military companies (PMCs) as well as enhanced the operating environment for these companies. Whereas the activity of these PMCs has been highly concentrated in some nations, other Middle East countries have had little involvement with the companies.

The main purpose of this is thesis is to identify the specific regime types in the Middle East that are conducive to both the emergence and persistence of Private Military Corporations throughout the region.  To accomplish this, Middle Eastern countries that have experienced any past or current Private Military Corporation activity within their borders will be identified, and all Middle Eastern country regimes will be classified as either pro or anti-western. Thereafter, the corruption indices of all Middle Eastern countries will be recorded, and the degree of corruption in these countries will be rated as either high or low. Lastly, a typology of the data will be constructed, and the relationships of PMC activity in proanti-western countries vs. countries with highlow levels of corruption throughout the Middle East will be revealed.

Private Military Companies Defined
There is no universally agreed definition of what exactly a private military corporation (PMC) is. According to Ortiz (2007), PMCs can be distinguished by the services that they offer. As such, private military companies are those entities r organizations that provide security and military services which ordinarily are the exclusive domain of the state. Stated differently, they provide services that can only be legally and justifiably be offered by the government (Ortiz, 2007).
In recent times, there has been a proliferation of PMCs the world over, a phenomenon that has largely been attributed to the tendency by governments to embrace the ideals of the so called New Public Management or NPM (McLaughlin et al, 2002 Lane, 2000). According to Ortiz (2007), governments resort to NPM in a bid to enhance the efficiency of security provision and to cut costs. In a nutshell, NPM involves the government ceding its control of violence to third parties. It is these parties that are referred to as MNCs, though some of these companies offer services that have little to do with military activities. As asserted by Ortiz (2007) therefore, it is necessary to formulate a service spectrum, a normative prescription of duties which would essentially define the organizations based on their services.

At one end of this continuum are companies that assist a particular country to entrench its control of violence. Such companies typically provide services that would ordinarily be provided by the countrys army and are variously known as new mercenaries , dogs of war, or private armies. They specialize in the use of brute force in order to help defuse an uprising or to help restore a government back to power. Examples of these types of companies abound. The role of Sandline International in Papua New Guinea and in Sierra Leone readily comes to mind.  Sandline International was contracted by the government of Papua New Guinea in 1997 to snuff out a rebellion that was fomenting in the island of Bougainville and to bring in arms from Russia (Mikki et al, n.d).
The companies also may be contracted to help restore stability on regions that are ridden with conflict and a good example of a company which has been used for this purpose is Executive Outcomes (EO).  This company played a prominent role in helping to restore stability in Sierra Leone and Angola.

Alongside Sandline International, EO was also contracted by the government of Papua New Guinea. Yet another role that may be played by the PMCs is to help modernize the army of a country so as to help it attain certain desired standards and this has been witnessed with the Military Professional Resources Incorporated (MPRI) in the Balkans.

Near the other end of the continuum are those companies whose primary role is to provide logistical and administrative support and to manage security operations in entire countries. Aegis Defense Services and Kellog, Brown and Root (KBR) are examples of such companies and their recruitment with the US government for these roles in Iraq has been well documented. The extreme end consists of companies that provide services that can be deemed to be specialized. Such services may include medical and healthcare services in war torn areas, transportation services, surveillance of critical infrastructure, development assistance, supply of trained dogs, translation services, among others.
Specific examples may serve well to illustrate this point. Medical Support Solutions is a company staffed by qualified medical personnel, many of whom were once military people and have experienced combat. They provide medical and healthcare services in war torn areas. The Global Development Four and Applied Marine Technology company offer transport services in areas that are ridden by conflict and this demands that they carry out their operations in areas that need specialized military knowledge (Global Development Four, 2004 Applied Marine Technology, 2004). Chilport is a company that offers trained dogs and carries out its operations in major war zones such as Iraq (Chilport, 2004). Ronco Construction Company is another example and this company provides development assistance in regions experiencing conflict (Ronco, 2004). Titan Corporation provides translation services and its work in Iraq is in the public domain (Titan, 2004). There are many other such companies, each offering varying services with high degrees of specialization.  All these firms can be classified as PMCs.

Singer (2003) came up with a method of classifying PMCs. The basis of the classification system is how lethal the services offered by the companies are. Accordingly, 4 categories are recognized namely combat, training, support and security. Private military corporations can be grouped as military provider companies such as Executive Outcomes, military consulting companies such as MPRI and military support companies such as KBR (Singer, 2003).

Table  SEQ Table  ARABIC 1 The 3 types of PMCs as defined by Singer (2003)
Type of PMCServices offeredExamplesMilitary provider companies Offer offensive combat servicesEO, SandlineMilitary consulting companies Offer training and consultancy services DynCorp, MPRI, Blackwater, SAICMilitary support companiesOffer services which are not life-threatening e.g. gathering and analyzing intelligence, dumping of explosives, and the maintenance of weapons, KBR, Vinnell, Ronco

A different classification system was introduced by Avant (2005) who classifies the companies based on the kind of contract they have been engaged on rather than on the company itself. According to her method, companies engaged in the provision of security and military services can be grouped into 2, namely companies with contracts for military or external support and companies with contracts for police or internal support. Under external support are armed and unarmed operational support, logistics support, military advice and training. Under internal support are intelligence, prevention of crimes, and police advice and training.

Brooks (2005) uses the industry as the basis of classification and not the company. According to Brooks therefore, companies engaged in the provision of military and security can be grouped as PMCs, private security companies (PSCs) and non-lethal service providers (NSPs). Under this classification method, PMCs would include companies that are engaged in the strategic security services industry such as MPRI, PSCs would include companies involved in the tactical security industry such as Backwater USA and NSPs would include companies involved in the logistics and technical support industry such as KBR (Brooks, 2005 Ortiz, 2007). Whereas PMCs are offensive, PSCs are defensive (BASIC, n.d.).

Table  SEQ Table  ARABIC 2 Different types of PMCs as defined by Brooks (2005)
Type of PMCDescription ExamplesPrivate military companies (PMCs)Companies that are engaged in the strategic security servicesMPRIPrivate security companies (PSCs) Involved in the tactical security industry Blackwater Non-lethal service providers (NSPs)Companies involved in the logistics and technical support industry KBR

From the foregoing therefore, it is now possible to explicitly define what a PMC is and to definitively point out what it is not.  Private military corporations are lawfully registered firms that are largely multinational in nature and which provide services that encompass the use of force in an ordered manner using military means and or which involve transfer of skills that involve the use of force through military means to other parties. The companies do not have to necessarily use force rather, they must possess and inherent capability to use force and this can serve as a deterrent to prevent potential aggressors. The sum total is that these companies help to enhance the monopoly of violence of a particular government. By this very nature therefore, these companies are staffed by personnel who are skilled in the art of combat and who possess invaluable warfare skills, experience and knowledge.

As opposed to runaway mercenary groupings, PMCs usually uphold professionalism in their operations and are bound by both national and international laws legislating war. The companies usually observe the laid out engagement rules and are organized in a hierarchical system with easily identifiable chains of command. Their dealings are often with credible international organizations and legal governments and they utilize standard weapons and prescribed tactics.

Private military companies can either be offshoots or subsidiaries of other established companies or they can be separate entities. Of late, private military companies have expanded there are of operations and many now offer counterterrorism and anti-piracy services. Another trend which is emerging is that governments are increasingly outsourcing non-combatant jobs to PMCs.  For example, the US outsourced many non-combatant jobs to the Brown and Root Services (BRS) company in the Balkans. The services which BRS gave out included construction of camps in Kosovo, laundry, transportation and preparing and serving food. The same company was later awarded a contract for similar services by the US in Iraq (Cahlink, 2002 Ortiz, 2007).

Differentiating between mercenaries and PMCs
Perhaps the most extensive definition of mercenaries is the one provided by the 1977 Protocol 1 of the Geneva Convention. This definition uses 6 parameters to define who a mercenary is. According to this definition, a mercenary is a person who is conscripted to fight in an armed battle whether in a foreign country or locally. The definition further asserts that the mercenary actually goes ahead and takes part in the conflict and is driven to take part in the conflict by the want of personal gain. The mercenary is assured of payment which exceeds that normally given to fighters having a similar rank and duties in the armed forces of the people recruiting the mercenary. Further, the mercenary is neither an inhabitant of the country where the conflict is raging nor a partaker to the conflict. Additionally, the mercenary is not sent by another country which is not involved in the conflict in an official capacity and does not belong to the armed forces of any party in that conflict (Lendman, 2010).

From the foregoing therefore, several distinctions can be drawn between PMCs and mercenaries. The first distinction is that PMCs have a legal mandate and exist as companies that are registered lawfully within a certain territory. Additionally, they have well defined structures and operate as entities that respond to market demands and are driven by a desire for profit maximization. The upshot of this is that their contractual agreements with the governments are legally enforceable. On the other hand, mercenaries may operate single handedly and they do not have a legal status. Besides, they largely operate devoid of any formal structures or legal strictures.

Yet another difference between the 2 is that whereas mercenaries usually only provide fighters in the battlefield, PMCs provide a wide array of services ranging from tactical support to strategic support to military and security services  and other specialized services. As mentioned before, non-core services such as laundry, transport, construction, staff recruitment and dog training among others are some of the services which the PMCs provide and which distinguish them from the activities of mercenaries. As Gatson (2008, 233) asserts, mercenaries usually take part in offensive activities and this is borne out by the Geneva Convention definition discussed earlier. On the other hand, PMCs usually take part in defensive activities and those such as EO that are hired for offensive duties are the exception rather than the norm. In summary, PMCs are a far cry from the image depicted by popular media about the mercenaries of yore such as Carlos the Jackal.

Differentiating PMCs from Private Militias and Warlords
As opposed to PMCs, private militias and warlords are not motivated by national interests. Rather, they often act out of regional and narrow sectarian interests 9OBrien, 2000b). They are primarily motivated by the desire to control particular resources located in a specified geographical area or by religious ideologies and they often engage in drawn out conflicts which last for longer periods of time. Examples of groups which can be classified under this category include the Islamic Brotherhood and the Lords Resistance Army (LRA). As opposed to mercenaries however, they exhibit a greater level of organization (OBrien, 2000b).

While PMCs are formed along corporate lines, are registered as business entities  and assiduously embrace modern management strategies with a clear corporate hierarchy, private militias and warlords display little corporatism and cannot be identified as business organizations. Finally, PMCs are distinguished from private militias by the services that they offer. While PMCs can provide full scale military services where there is need, their services consist largely of training and tactical and logistical support. On the other hand, private militias are exclusively involved in combat operations (OBrien, 2000b).

To further illustrate and define the roles of PMCs, a few examples of these companies and their involvement in conflict resolution are discussed below.

Examples of PMCs and their role in conflict resolution
The use of PMCs in conflict resolution is not a recent phenomenon but dates hundreds of years back. According to Lendman (2010), historical accounts provide credible proof that PMCs were well favored by ancient rulers. Ramses is reported to have used thousands of soldiers for hire in the 13th century. According to Taulbee (1998, 145), Ramses contracted the Numidians to help him fight the Hittites in the battle of Kadesh. Others who contracted such fighters included Emperor Justinian, Alexander the Great, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, George Washington during Americas war of independence and popes beginning from early 16th century (Lendman, 2010). As reported by Singer (2003, 27), the Swiss Pike soldiers were contracted by Pope Julius II and this force later grew to become the Papal Swiss Guard. In the 18th century, Britain contracted German Hessian fighters to help it overrun America but the outcomes were not successful (Mockler, 1969, 127). Other accounts of private armies being used to wage battle or offer protection services include the British East India Company, the Italian Condottieri, and the Dutch East India Company. In 1812 and in the Second World War, General Chiang Kai-Shek contracted the Flying Tigers to help in the battle against the Japanese (Singer, 2003, 34).

The roots for the modern use of PMCs were watered after the World War 2. Numerous examples abound thereafter of the involvement of private organizations in conflicts. These examples include the UK contracting the Special Air Services (SAS) to battle the Nazis, the use of contractors in the Vietnam War in the sixties and seventies and the use of the Southern Air Transport Company by the CIA in many operations from the late forties up to the early eighties. In 1967, Watch Guard International was established and this was the first ever private PMC in the 20th century. Other examples are during the 1991 Gulf War where the US made use of PMCs. In this war, 1 PMC fighter was recruited for every 50 state soldiers. The following sections examine some of the theatres where PMCs were used in much detail.

Stabilizing the Balkans The Role of PMCs in Croatia
Disintegration of the former Yugoslavia led to the formation of breakaway nations which were volatile and had ineffectual and ill equipped armies. The same situation obtained for Croatia. Faced with an onslaught mounted by Serbian elements, the Croatian government turned to MPRI (Singer 2003). Dubbed Operation Storm, the government with the help of the MPRI was able to contain the Serbian rebels and set up a strong government successfully.

Routing the Rebels PMCs Find Success in Sierra Leone
Involvement of PMCs in the resolution of conflict in Sierra Leone in 1991 stands out as one of the most successful operations yet by these companies. The conflict in Sierra Leone started when rebels under the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) banner led by Charles Taylor begun an uprising against the government of Valentine Strasser. The uprising threatened to tear the country apart as the rebels commanded popular support and the government forces were ill equipped, poorly trained and lacked the necessary motivation to win the ensuing battle.

To strengthen the army, the government had hitherto resorted to the use of child soldiers who were given drugs and beer as payment.  The threat by the RUF rebels was inescapably real and the government was fixed in a tight corner. Faced with this situation, Strasser contacted Executive Outcomes and initially gave them a 1 year contract that was later extended by 9 months with the brief to halt the advance of the rebels and reestablish the control of the government throughout the nation. It took the company only 9 days to halt the rebel advance and restrict them 126 kilometers away from the capital. The company was also able to remove the rebels from the diamond fields and take over Kangari Hills which was the rebels stronghold. Thus weakened, the RUF rebels were forced to enter into a peace agreement with the government effectively ending the insurgence (Hough, 2006).

Due to the stability brought about by the company, the country was able to hold peaceful and democratic elections which saw Ahmed Tejan Kabbah become the president.  The use of EO services was thereafter discontinued because the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) troops moved into the country and the UN had promised to send in more troops. The UN never honored its promise on time and barely 3 months after the EO left, a coup was carried out and the country was thrown back into chaos. According to many analysts, the departure of EO was uncalled for and it left a vacuum that gave an opportunity for the coup plotters to exploit (Singer 2002, 110-117 Pelton 2007, 261-263). The intervention by EO in Sierra Leones situation was successful in many respects. The company was able to restore calm, stop the advance of the rebels and reassert government control in many areas of the country. The government paid the company 35 million which is a tiny fraction of what the UN forces spent in their deployment. Additionally, intervention by EO enabled the country to hold democratic elections in a space of months, something which the UN was never able to do.

While the UN was able to send its troops to Sierra Leone later under the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) banner, the conduct and efficiency of its troops raised serious doubts as to the capacity of such forces to restore peace and end conflicts. Not only did the UN spend 8 times more than what was paid to EO, but also it had some of its members getting killed and hundreds more captured (Schulhofer-Wohl, 2000).  In summary, where UNAMSIL was incapable, EO was highly efficient. Where UNAMSIL was profligate, EO was highly cost effective.

PMCs in Papua New Guinea (PNG)
As noted before, one of the most notable involvements by PMCs in conflict resolution was by Sandline in Papua New Guinea 13 years ago. Dubbed Operation Contravene, the intervention was meant to offer training to the PNG army as well as collect intelligence on a secessionist group calling itself the Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA). Whereas the intervention got the approval of the countrys top security organ, it was not sanctioned by the legislature and the public was kept in the dark about it. The arrival of Sandline forces in the country was met with disapproval and condemnation by the head of the PNG government, leading to a public altercation between the army head and the president and provoking widely publicized demonstrations in the country. The demonstrations forced the government to back out of the deal but not before it had paid Sandline for the commitments it had made (Singer, 2003 Pelton 2007, 265-269).

The war of Iraq and the Role of PMCs
Perhaps more than any other conflict, the war in Iraq has demonstrated clearly the role of PMCs in conflict and strengthened their input in many ways than one. A coalition of countries led by the US and the UK invaded Iraq 7 years ago. The objective of this invasion was to dethrone Saddam Hussein and effect a change of regime in the country. The forces loyal to the US were able to create the Coalition Provisional Authority which oversaw the affairs of government for about a year. The Iraqi Interim Government was thereafter formed, taking over the affairs of government from the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA). To date, the countries continue to maintain a huge number of forces in Iraq.

As will be seen in subsequent sections, the number of PMCs in Iraq carrying out reconstruction work and assisting with military and security operation s has ballooned and now outstrips the government forces (Lendman 2010 Miller, 2007). As will also be seen shortly, the use of PMCs in Iraq has been met with widespread condemnation as they have been implicated in massive human rights abuses, execution of innocent civilians, substandard work and acts of corruption (Pelton 2006, Tiron, 2007 Fainaru 2008, 166 Lendman 2010).

Table  SEQ Table  ARABIC 3 Major interventions by PMCs and their outcomes
PMCCountry Success or failureAngolaFailure MPRI Croatia Success Many IraqMixedSandline Papua New Guinea Failure Executive OutcomesSierra LeoneSuccess Bosnia-Herzegovina Success
Current Status of the PMC Industry

According to Lendman (2010), the PMC industry worldwide is big and continues to exhibit robust growth. Estimates show that the annual turnover of this industry is currently in excess of 100 billion with the PMCs present in more than 50 nations worldwide.  The US government is the biggest client of these companies and statistics show that prior to the Iraqi war, it had dealings with more than 3,000 PMCs. According to Scahill (2005), the US government dished out contracts worth an estimated 47 billion to PMCs between 1998 and 2003. The US government is said to spend up to 42 billion ever year on private intelligence companies (Scahill, 2007). Statistics indicate that the security industry is the fastest growing industry in the US.  Scahill (2007) also reports that the PMCs are becoming ubiquitous and are spreading their tentacles in every part of the world.

In Africa, PMCs are rooting to become part of the UN peacekeeping forces in the myriad trouble spots spread across the continent. Besides, they are to be found in almost all the conflict areas, from Congo, Sudan and Somalia. In the US, estimates show that PMCs now outnumber the official law enforcers and there have been proposals for the privatization of the Border Patrol. In Latin America, PMCs are to be found in almost all the nations and their role in Colombia is immense as they take home 50 of the 630 million the country receives in military assistance (Scahill, 2007). To further illustrate the increasing importance of PMCs, estimates show that by the year 2000, the PMCs outspent public policing by 73 and that they employed more than twice the number of personnel employed by the public security apparatus (OBrien, 2000).

In recent times, the Iraqi war has provided the biggest marketplace for PMCs. According to Lendman (2010), there were more than 80 PMCs operating in Iraq 5 years ago with combined personnel of more than 20,000. Presently, the number of PMCs in Afghanistan and Iraq has rapidly risen and these companies have more than 250,000 personnel stationed in these 2 countries. These figures are much higher as they do not include the PMCs working for the other state agencies. Scahill (2007) put the figure of PMCs in Iraq at 630. Additionally, the US government has committed itself to the gradual withdrawal from Iraq and as the government withdraws its troops, it is likely that the number of PMC personnel stationed in the country will continue to rise in order to fill the vacuum left by the departing soldiers.

Further illustration of the importance of PMCs is the fact that whereas the Gulf War involved a single PMC for every 50 government personnel, the present Iraqi conflict involves a single PMC for every 10 government personnel 9Isenberg, 2004). This shows that the demand for services offered by PMCs has risen many times over the last 2 decades.

The situation in Afghanistan is even more telling. According to Lendman (2010), the number of PMC personnel deployed in the country exceeds the number of US government troops. Quoting the 2009 CRS Service Report, Lendman (2010) explains that as at mid 2009, there were over 74,000 PMC soldiers deployed in Afghanistan. This figure was slightly less than that of the US government soldiers which stood at slightly over 100,000. The total cost of maintaining each PMC soldier has been estimated to be approximately 1 million every year.

According to Singer (2003, 245), all the military logistics for the Canadian government are taken care of by PMCs. A few years back, the US contracted Blackwater to assist in the provision of essential services in the wake of Hurricane Katrina (Ehrenberg, 2005). Other recent activities that have involved the use of PMCs include the use of PMCs by organizations such as Care International to provide security to their food retinues, the use of Saracen which was formed from EO to provide demining services to the UN in Angola, and the use of DynCorp personnel to help in Bosnias peace keeping mission (Lilly 2000, 7 Vaux et al 2000, 11 (International Campaign to Ban Land Mines 1999).

Factors conducive to the emergence of private military corporations
As noted before, the number of PMCs is rising by the day. According to Wallwork (2005), the US government issued contracts valued at over 300 billion to PMCs between 1994 and 2002 alone. The total number of these contracts was a whooping 3,601. The following reasons have been cited as contributing to the emergence of PMCs worldwide.

The inability of countries to maintain law and order within their borders
The increase in the number of failed states, weak states, and emerging states has led to the persistence of low scale internal conflicts. Such conflicts have also arisen in part due to the escalation of interethnic rivalry between communities (Sanchez, 2000).

Disinterest by Strong Nations
Demand for the services of PMCs has also shot up due to the disinterest of strong nations to intervene in the internal conflicts in weak nations because it is not in their best interests. As Dobbins et al (2006, 89) reports, the humiliation visited on the US marines in Somalia made the country reluctant to intervene in many conflict regions and this left a void that PMCs have quickly tried to fill. In the Somalia incident, the US lost 18 soldiers and had more than 70 others injured and this has shaped the countrys policy of intervention in conflicts

Military Downsizing
The trend of making national armies leaner and more efficient has led to a decrease in the number of military personnel worldwide thus creating a vacuum that has necessitated the activity of PMCs (Sanchez, 2000). According to Singer (2003), the United States has downsized its army, cutting back personnel by a third under a program called Base Realignment and Closure or BRAC. At the same time, there has been an increase in the need for services by armed forces due to a host of factors among them the proliferation of small and light weapons and increased conflicts in many parts of the world. Due to the shortage of armed personnel, it has become increasingly fashionable therefore to turn to PMCs in a bid to bridge the shortage occasioned by downsizing of armies.

The Reinventing Government program initiated by President Clinton also saw a significant reduction in government forces and the increasing use of PMCs all in a bid to enhance efficiency and cut down costs. The Third Wave Initiative also increased the demand for services offered by PMCs as it sought to outsource non-core functions to these firms. The thinking behind this initiative was that increased outsourcing of non-core activities to the PMCs would enable the government army to focus on its key competencies and to make the war on terror more effective by freeing resources for the anti-terrorism fight. However, the Third Wave initiative came a cropper after a few months. Pelton (2007, 100-101) reports about The U.S. Logistics Civil Augmentation Program (LOGCAP) which was set up in order to help the government outsource services such as catering and logistics which were deemed as being non-core. The demand for such services gave rise to PMCs and since there were many experienced and highly skilled soldiers in the market, the PMCs could only grow from strength to strength.

Changes in the Ways of Conducting Wars
Another factor which has had a significant impact on the demand for the services provided by PMCs has to do with changes in the way wars are conducted. As explained by Singer (2003), the divide between civilians and soldiers is rapidly melting away and this has largely been occasioned by the numerous low-grade battles against warlords, terrorists and drug cartels. It is not just low-grade intensities that have experienced a paradigm shift but large-scale conflicts have also changed in many ways. For instance, sailors in armored ships often work alongside PMC personnel who are specialists in technology and side weapons. Information technology experts are also increasingly being enrolled to help buttress many conflicts and this was aptly demonstrated during the 1991 Gulf War.

In the Iraqi war and the resultant reconstruction phase for example, the US government depends entirely on civilians to maintain the Guardrail surveillance planes and to operate guided missile systems on a number of the Navy ships (Isenberg, 2004, 21). As Singer (2004, 65) aptly summarizes it, modern warfare is largely dependent on sound information technology systems. These systems are usually developed by civilians, not by soldiers and many private companies (PMCs and PSCs) can develop more sophisticated systems than can government forces. When the state forces purchase the systems from civilians, they will often require them to maintain or improve the systems. The upshot of all this is that civilians with expertise in certain specialized areas are increasingly being required in order to help armies fight wars and this has raised the demand for PMCs which have personnel skilled in these specialist areas and in armed combat.

According to Singer (2003), there has been a definitive change in political thinking and this has largely opened the way for the increased use of PMCs. This change in political thinking is premised on the belief that businesses are better placed to provide military and security services than governments. This has seen an emergence of many PMCs the world over, a good example being in China where estimates show that the private security industry is among those experiencing the highest growth.

Attractive Contractual Terms
Another reason that has spawned the emergence of PMCs is that these companies are very well compensated and rake in a lot of money and other material rewards from their operations. For instance, Halliburton made between 13 and 16 billion dollars from their involvement in the Iraqi war and this amount was 2 and a half times more what the US spent in the Gulf war (Lendman, 2010).
The End of the Cold War and Disintegration of the Soviet Union

The end of the cold war and that of apartheid have also been cited as reasons contributing to the rise in PMCs. According to Kaldor (2005, 491), the end of the Cold War meant that the control of failed states by the 2 superpowers was loosened and this gave rise to more and more conflicts thereby creating a demand for the services offered by PMCs. The end of apartheid also contributed to the emergence of PMCs because it left many highly skilled members of the South African Defense Forces unemployed, forcing them to sell their skills wherever they were needed.

The disintegration of the former Soviet Union resulted in the availability of cheap and relatively sophisticated weapons which could be easily accessed and this has been associated with the proliferation of the PMCs. Disintegration of the union also led to the demobilization of many soldiers. According to OBrien (2000), the number of soldiers in the soviet army declined significantly and the tens of thousands of people who were demobilized were all too eager to join PMCs or start their own private security companies (OBrien, 2000).

According to Goodard (20010 not less than 5 million people were demilitarized between 1985 and 1994. The US alone downsized its army by a third (Goodard, 2001). Besides leading to massive demilitarization, the end of the Cold War brought economic misery to Russia and other Balkan states. In a bid to shore up their dwindling economic fortunes, the nations sold their industries leading to the availability of large amounts of modern weaponry (Goodard, 2001). However, it is not just the disintegration of the Soviet Union which has led to the availability of millions of highly skilled and talented soldiers. The end of apartheid and demilitarization of tens of thousands of soldiers in Asia and the Pacific regions has also had a profound effect.

Inaction on the Part of the UN
Inaction on the part of the UN has also contributed to the emergence and strengthening of PMCs.  This inaction is largely attributed to the unavailability of troops for such activities as peace building, lack of political will and the unwieldy nature of the organization which makes it unsuitable to intervene in certain types of conflicts

Liberalization of the Arms Trade
The international arms trade has been liberalized and the industry has attracted very many new players. The opening up of this trade has also led to the availability of many different type of weapons which can be easily accessed by individuals and organizations. It is therefore not easy to monitor the buyers of these weapons or restrict their sales. This has made it easier for people or groupings with an eye on providing private security to get access to these arms and offer their services to those in need.

The 911 Attacks and Increased Threats of Terrorism
The 911 attacks also saw the proliferation of many new PMCs, formed to help the government agencies tackle issues that were seen to occur as a result of this attack. Finally, increased terrorism activities the world over have enhanced the demand for the services offered by PMCs (Isenberg, 2004).

Overview of Hypothesis and Methods
This study utilized qualitative comparative case study methods. In this respect, secondary sources were identified and critically analyzed. Independent variables which were used in the study included corruption and the orientation of the nations. Corruption was an ordinal variable with 2 subscales high or low and was measured using Transparency Internationals CPI. On the other hand, orientation was a nominal variable with 2 discrete categories pro-western and anti-western. The countries were grouped in either of these 2 categories based on available geopolitical and socioeconomic data. The null hypothesis was that PMC activity in the Middle East is not correlated to corruption and orientation of the nations. The alternative hypothesis was that corruption and orientation determine the activity of PMCs in the Middle East.

Plan of the Thesis
This thesis is organized into 5 chapters. Chapter 1 broadly introduced the evolving concept of PMCs and sought to definitively describe what a PMC is. Chapter 2 looks at the moral hazards associated with PMCs. In particular, the negative and positive effects often linked to the PMCs are discussed, real world examples given and a case for regulation of the industry proffered. Chapter 3 looks at the activity of PMCs in the Middle East between 1991 and 2009. In this chapter, a brief overview of the Middle East countries is given and the PMCs operational in these nations identified. Countries are also identified as either pro-western or anti-western. Chapter 4 looks at corruption in the Middle East and characterizes the level of corruption in each of the nations as either high or low. Comparison is made between the corruption indices of pro-western and anti-western nations. Subsequently, the correlation between PMC activity, corruption and orientation to the west is made. Chapter 5 is the conclusion chapter in which the findings are synthesized.

CHAPTER TWO
Private Military Corporations and the Moral Hazards
As discussed in the preceding chapter, PMCs have found wide use the world over. Whereas there have been successful outcomes associated with the involvement of these companies, failure in many more instances coupled with attendant moral hazards has been documented. Part of the problem associated with the failures and the seemingly intractable moral hazards occasioned by the activities of the PMCs has its foundational basis on the eternal conflict between their 2 duties profit maximization and peace building.  This conflict begs the question as to whether the PMCs are forces of good or evil or whether they are held bondage to their self-serving interests.

Ultimately, there is no correct answer to this rankling question and the inerrant solution, as will be seen shortly, lies in holding these companies to account by prescribing well thought out regulations that would restrict any of their excesses while leveraging their utility as instruments for peace. First though, the activities of the companies are examined and the outcomes of their involvement, good or bad, are discussed. The social ills said to be engendered by the OMCs are also brought to the fore.

The Dark side of the Private Military Corporations
There is little doubt that PMCs have been forces of good and that they have helped save lives and advance the cause of humanity in many instances. However, a recurring theme that pervades literature is that these firms are devoid of any moral compass. As a result of this latent immorality, they are inherently prone to carry out activities that run counter to the common aspirations of many but which serve to enhance their monetary objectives. This argument has been provided traction by a number of factors that have been used to build a case against the companies. The following are some of the most common criticisms against PMCs which reinforce the view in some quarters that they are immoral and uncaring agents.

Violations of UN arms embargoes
Critics of PMCs contend that these companies have done much more to violate UN arms embargoes. For instance, over 10 years ago, the government of Sierra Leone entered into an agreement with Sandline International for the supply of 35 tones of arms imported from Bulgaria. This deal was entered into in a flagrant disregard of an existing arms embargo that had been slapped on the country by the UN. Similarly, some critics point out that the UN embargo on the importation of arms by Eritrea and Ethiopia has been flouted largely due to the activities of PMCs (Mikki et al, n.d)

Proliferation of small arms
Besides being accused of flagrantly violating UN arms embargoes, PMCs have been blamed for playing a role in the proliferation of small and light weapons. According to BASIC (n.d), the PMCs often leave behind large quantities of small and light weapons and these have been implicated in the persistence of conflict in many troubled areas.

Militarization of societies where they operate and triggering arms races
Private military companies have in certain instances led to the militarization of the societies where they operate and enhanced tensions in those areas. As discussed before, MPRI was essential in training the Croatian army after the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia in 1994. This training helped to bring stability to Croatia and avert internal conflict by stabilizing the government.

However, several reports indicated that the contract awarded to the MPRI had untoward effects as it provoked militarization and an arms race in the Balkans. According to BASIC (n.d), the Croatian government made arms purchases in excess of 1 billion so as to complement the training given by MRPI.  The purchases by Croatia triggered and arms race in the region as other Balkan states sought to make purchases to match the Croatian acquisitions and this had an effect on the volatility of the region.

Similarly, Bosnia-Herzegovina contracted MRPI in 1996 to provide training to its armed forces. The training was accompanied by the provision of arms which were estimated to cost around 100 million. As with the Croatian acquisitions, the acquisition of arms by Bosnia-Herzegovina was also blamed for causing militarization of the Balkans and consequently fuelling volatility in the region (BASIC, n.d).

Involvement in human rights abuses
Perhaps the most cogent argument advanced against PMCs is that they are usually involved in human rights abuses. As reported by Sanchez (2000), these firms have been accused by many of plundering resources and carrying out wanton executions, rape and massacres. Many examples of blatant human rights abuses have been provided to illustrate this argument. For instance, the widely publicized abuses which were carried out at Abu Ghraib Prison in Ira were carried out by PMC personnel.

Whereas the training of the Croatian army by MRPI in 1994 largely succeeded in bringing stability in the country, several reports have implicated the training by the PMC to serious violations of human rights arising from the offensive against ethnic Serbians in Krajna (BASIC, n.d).Singer (2003) narrates how PMCs carried out the ritual slaughter of many unarmed civilians (Singer, 2003).

Chatterjee describes how the KBR has been associated with corrupt activities, abuse of its workers, and other serious crimes yet it continues to draw huge amounts as payments for services ostensibly rendered. The firm stood accused of shoddy workmanship manifested in substandard electrical works among others. The company is also on record as having abetted corrupt practices as seen in their exorbitant charges for trucks that were left unused in the desert and poor auditing practices manifested by missing receipts worth billions of dollars. Yet another example of human rights abuses perpetrated by PMCs is recorded by Nimkar (n.d) who reports that in 2007, fighters of Blackwater killed in cold blood 28 Iraqis in Nissor Square, Central Baghdad (Nimkar, n,d Lendman, 2010).  The MTS Affair is also another sharp indictment on the morality of PMCs, serving to illustrate the point that these companies subjugate ethics and moral considerations for their self-serving interests.

As discussed before, PMCs are business organizations which are primarily driven by the desire to maximize profits and therefore critics point out that they may deliberately prolong conflicts all in a bid to serve their interests. However, this assertion is disputed by counter arguments to the effect that like other businesses, PMCs survive on repeat business and it is to their advantage that they quickly stop conflicts in order to boost their public image and therefore generate repeat business (Wallwork, 2005).

In a bid to contain their costs, some reports suggest that a number of PMCs have adopted poor hiring practices, contracting less experienced workers and inauspicious people with disastrous effects (Wallwork, 2005). Part of the problem is that PMCs do not belong to the military. Besides, they are judged by different sets of standards that apply to the military

Conduits for Illegal Activities
As PMCs are not encumbered by legal conundrums, critics assert that they can be used to carry out some illegal tasks. These companies are, by and large, not covered by international law and therefore it is almost impossible to have them court martialled for carrying out such illegal activities. Besides, they are less accountable. It has also been widely documented that PMCs are often used as conduits of corruption and avenues through which the ruling class and politically correct individuals can siphon public funds. As Isenberg (2004) reports, PMCs usually get contracts through political connections and are such involved in high level political wheeler dealing . Presently, PMCs are among the highest contributors of political party campaign funds and are highly adept at lobbying.

Since they oil the campaign machinery of the leading political parties, it raises the specter of underhand dealings as the recipients of the funds are obligated to view the companies favorably once they get into office. This can lead to corrupt practices, underhand dealings and lack of political will to hold the firms to account. The association between Halliburton and Dick Cheney is one such example of political wheeler dealing between PMCs and the ruling elite.

A Drain on the Regular Armies
The PMCs are able to attract the best talent because their fighters are relatively better paid than soldiers in government armies. This makes it difficult for governments to retain their best talent who may find their way to the companies due to the better terms.

The private military contractors have been accused of draining the regular armed forces. According to Isenberg (2004), the PMCs provide consistently higher salaries, better working conditions and better prospects for advancement than government armies. As a result, many skilled and highly knowledgeable individuals are opting out of the regular armed services to join the PMCs. Isenberg (2004) reports that there is such a high competition for elite soldiers in PMCs that the government forces are hard pressed to improve the remuneration and working conditions of their employees in order to stem a mass exodus.

Exploitation of Weak States
Literature abounds with examples of how PMCs use their capabilities and the greed of some despots to exploit weak nations. As Isenberg (2005) and Lendman (2010) note, the PMCs are adept at negotiating contracts which are heavily tilted in their favor. For instance, Executive Outcomes charged Sierra Leone and Angola hefty sums of money yet these countries are among the poorest in the world. The charges were made with the full knowledge that these countries were tottering on the edge of disaster and desperately needed such services. Additionally, the 2 countries were not financially stable and could ill afford to pay the huge sums demanded. As some critics assert, the real motive of these companies when dealing with such poor countries is to lay their hands on lucrative mining and oil contracts. Some evidence indicates that the major PMCs with activities in Africa and other resource-rich regions are fonts of major mining corporations. Companies such as Heritage Oil and Gas and Diamondworks have been known to have strong connections with the PMCs. This raises fundamental questions of morality and begs the question as to exact role of the mining giants in the perpetuation of conflicts.

Impose Huge Costs
Whereas use of PMCs has been preferred because it is seen to be more cost effective, some critics aver that use of PMCs can be more expensive in the long run. This is especially so in long drawn out and hazardous conflicts. This is because of rising insurance costs for the PMC personnel. Insurance companies are wont to increase the premiums for life insurance in hazardous areas and the PMCs usually have to entice personnel to work for them in such areas and as such they have to offer them insurance cover. According to Isenberg (2004, 23), this can be a significant cost area more so since the US law compels companies to pay out such benefits to their employees who are not citizens of the host country.

The Positive Side of PMCs
The examples given in the previous chapter about the involvement of PMCs in conflict areas leaves little doubt that these companies can be used to attain positive outcomes. The following sections briefly discuss the positive aspects of PMCs, detail the advantages of using PMCs, and provide relevant examples to illustrate this.

PMCs are Usually Quick to Respond and are Efficient
Unlike forces marshaled by many countries or by intergovernmental bodies such as the UN and NATO, PMCs are capable of deploying forces in a quick manner. Forces such as NATO have proven to be relatively slow in reacting to situations that need their input. On the other hand, PMCs are adept at getting quickly on the ground, a case in point being the Custer Battles firm which was contracted to guard Baghdad Airport and was able to get in within 3 weeks (Wallwork, 2005). These companies are able to deploy quickly because they have arrangements for logistics in place at any one time which allows them to mobilize quickly and efficiently. Unlike government forces also, PMCs are less encumbered by red tape and are able to accomplish tasks faster and more easily than the former (Wallwork, 2005)

Use of PMCs Results in Cost Savings
As several examples illustrate, use of PMCs is usually more cost effective (Sanchez, 2000). According to McGhie (2002) for example, EO had operating costs of just 4 of those incurred by the UN in the Sierra Leone conflict. Whereas the Sierra Leone government paid EO between 35 million and 60 million, the UN used up to 607 million every year.

The Advantage of Objectivity
According to Wallwork (2005), PMCs are less subjective and this may be important in situations where objective peacekeepers are required. The implication here is that PMCs would be ideal in instances where non-alignment is necessary for success as they are not extensions of parties to the conflict and have no obvious political leaning.

Enhancement of Deployment Capacity
Using PMCs enables countries to have personnel exceeding the force cap thus allowing them to enhance their deployed capacity without falling foul of the requirements in force. This is because the PMC personnel are not counted as being part of the force (Wallwork, 2005).

Restoration of Peace and Saving Lives
The PMCs have helped to restore peace in regions that would otherwise have remained in conflict thus saving many lives. In Sierra Leone, the government contracted EO in 1995 to help ward off a challenge for m the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebels. The rebels were threatening to overturn the lawfully elected government thus creating political instability and upheavals. With the help of EO, the rebels were defeated and peace and stability restored in the country.

Professionalism in Service
The PMCs are usually manned by former military personnel who have extensive combat experience. Therefore, they bring into the field professionalism, discipline, and special skills honed out of years and years of use. They are more cultural competent, are skilled in analysis and reconnaissance, and usually have exemplary language and people skills. They therefore do not need prolonged training and can easily fit in any situation. The end result is that they are better placed at achieving the desired outcomes than would be some rookies fresh from military school.

Regulating PMCs
Having looked at the drawbacks and advantages associated with the activities of PMCs, it becomes evident that these companies can be used successfully to enhance peace all over the world in a more cost effective and efficient manner. The challenge therefore is to leverage their positive effects while minimizing the negative effects associated with the firms. This can be attained by strengthening existing laws and formulating new ones in order to rope in the firms in an acceptable legal framework that is accommodative and all-encompassing but punitive and retributive for offenders. As will be demonstrated shortly, current regulations are awfully inadequate and have only succeeded in providing a lacuna which has allowed the PMCs to operate with impunity and immorally.

International Frameworks to Regulate PMCs
The OAU Convention for the Elimination of Mercenaries in Africa
Widespread activity by mercenaries during the sixties and seventies became a source of concern for many as it was blamed for the instability of many African countries. It is against this backdrop that the Organization of African Unity (OAU) sought to restrict the activities of mercenaries in the continent, leading to the formulation of the Convention for the Elimination of Mercenaries in Africa. The convention was ratified by OAU member states n 1977 and it took effect in 1985. For a long time, this treaty was the worlds only instrument on mercenary activity that could be legally enforced.

Even so, the convention has done little to regulate the activities of PMCs as it was primarily targeted against mercenaries and not such companies. Besides, it sought to only prevent the illegal and violent ouster of governments considered to be lawfully in place. Additionally, unwillingness on the part of the ruling class, poverty and inadequate legal capacity have all conspired to make the agreement largely unenforceable (BASIC, n.d).

International Efforts
The International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries was formulated more than 20 years ago and sought to explicitly legislate against activities of mercenaries. However, it is yet to be enforced as the requisite number of 22 nations required to ratify it and hence operationalize it has not been attained. Notably, there is not a single major western country that has ratified the convention. This could be indicative of unwillingness on the part of many countries to contain mercenary activities (Lendman, 2010).

The Montreux Document was formulated 2 years ago and it sought to compel nations to exercise diligence in their dealings with PMCs. This document consists of 2 parts. The first part lays out the international regulations governing the operations of PMCs. It also explains that nations cannot use these companies to sidestep their duties, asks them to prevent abuses by PMCs, to attend to such abuses in a responsible manner if they occur and to put in place measures that would prevent such abuses from recurring. Part 2 has a list of 70 guidelines meant to help nations use the PMCs in a responsible and accountable manner. The document has been formally ratified by the worlds major powers including China, US, UK and Germany (Lendman, 2010).

Efforts by individual countries
Efforts by individual countries to regulate the operations of PMCs are inadequate and largely non-existent. However, a few countries have put in place legislations to control the operations of these companies within their borders. Such countries include South Africa, the US and the U.K. South Africa has some of the most progressive laws on the control of PMCs on earth. The 1998 Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Act has brought much sanity to the industry. However, some critics aver that it is heavy handed and counterproductive (OBrien, 2000).

The UK has made some strides to legislate the operations of PMCs. The Foreign Enlistment Act which sought to control operations of mercenaries and PMCs dates back to the mid 19th century. According to this act, Britons are banned from participating as mercenaries or from hiring individuals from other nations to act as mercenaries on their behalf. According to BASIC (n.d) however, this act is deficient and out of tune with modern circumstances. Even so, the government has been keenly discussing the issue in recent times and says that it is committed to coming up with effective laws soon.

Neither do the laws in US ascribe specific legal mandates to PMCs nor is there a specific reference to the term private military corporation. The closest term which makes any reference to these companies is the term contractor which appears in several military publications. However, the role of contractors is explicitly defined in the US Army Regulation 715-9. This document sets aside the duties which contractors are legally allowed to perform and dictates that they are not permitted to perform functions which are inherently governmental. In the prevailing context, inherently governmental functions are those duties which entail offensive combat. As such, the contractors are restricted to non-combatant operations.

The document FM 100-21 is more explicit, stating that contractors are business organizations or individuals who supply services or goods in exchange for financial gain. The document further continues to categorize different types of contractors. The first category of contractors consists of service providers who give theatre support. The second and third categories consist of providers who offer external and material support respectively. From the foregoing therefore it is safe to assume that PMCs are contractors and that the US law recognizes them as such.

According to the US law, all contracts exceeding 50 million awarded to PMCs by the government must be recounted to the Congress. Additionally, the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) was formulated in a bid to regulate PMCs and requires that all the PMCs comply with the provisions. In recent times, the US has formulated specific laws to have the PMC industry kept in check.

President Obama formulated the Transparency and Accountability in Military Security Contracting Act 3 years ago in a bid to reform the Defense Authorization Act of 2008 seeking to compel federal authorities to account for the PMCs contracted. However, the act did not see the light of day as it was shot down. A year ago, President Obama pioneered reforms which sought to get work that was contracted to PMCs back to the government forces and to cut down on the amount used on PMCs and the number of contracts given to these companies. However, it remains to be seen whether this will actually rein in the companies bearing in mind that PMCs are tightly intertwined with the countrys security apparatus.

In summary, it is obvious that the existing laws have not succeeded in reining in the PMCs. This has led to many of these firms acting in a manner that is far from transparent as they are not properly held to account. This has resulted to an unjustifiable loss of life, prolongation of conflicts, suffering, theft, and unwarranted losses. This has been true of many regions in the world.

PMC Activity within the Middle East from 1991 to 2009
In the early years, the activity of PMCs was largely confined to African states. However, things have changed over the past few decades and these companies are now pervasive the world over. As a region, the Middle East has seen its fair share of PMC activity. Perhaps the biggest catalyst for the involvement of PMCs in the Middle East is the relative instability that is characteristic of this region.

Other factors identified in chapter 1 as conducive to the proliferation of PMCs have also had a significant impact on enhancing PMC activity in this region. Notable among these are the inability of nations in this region to maintain law and order within their borders, attractive contractual terms provided to the PMCs, the 911 attacks and the increased threat of terrorism, liberalization of the arms trade and the inaction of the UN. Autocratic and less accountable political systems, as will be seen, have also played a major role in facilitating the activities of PMCs in the Middle East.

This section looks at countries in the Middle East which have had some PMC activity between 1991 and 2009 and seeks to characterize such activities. The geographical and political entity that is known as the Middle East is first of all defined and the latent cultural and demographic features briefly discussed. The concepts of pro-western and anti-western are explored, if only for ideological purposes, and a rationale used to characterize the Middle East nations as belonging to either derived. Subsequently, all Middle Eastern countries are determined to be either pro-western or anti-western. Lastly, Middle Eastern countries that have experienced any PMC activity within their borders will be identified.

An overview of the Geographic, Demographic and Political Factors in the Middle East
Countries in the Middle East include Bahrain, Qatar, Jordan, Oman, Kuwait, Palestine, Lebanon, UAE, Israel, Syria, Yemen, and Turkey. Others are Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Iran, and Iraq (aglobalworld.com, 2010). The CIA world Fact Book also includes Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and the West Bank and Gaza Strip as countries in the Middle East (CIA World Fact book, 2010). Together, these countries cover a total area of 31494 square kilometers. In terms of demographics, the Middle East is home to 192,755,045 people. The main languages spoken in this region are English, Arabic, French, Hebrew and Turkish (aglobalworld.com, 2010 CIA World Fact book, 2010)

Most of the nations in the region are inhabited by people of Arabic descent. Their cultural values and aspirations are highly distinctive from the Anglo-Saxon cultures that inform much of the practices of the western nations. Nepotism, collectivism as opposed to individualism, respect for elders, the concept of face and a predilection for high context communication are the distinctive features of their culture. Unlike their western counterparts, inhabitants of this region largely favor a large power distance. As a result, the dominant political systems in the Arab Middle East are totalitarian, autocratic, dictatorial, or monarchical rarely are they democratic.  Consequently, being is valued more than doing thus a persons social status is highly regarded than the persons work achievements. Taken together with an almost religious deference towards elders and people of a high social status, criticism is discouraged due to the concept of face and preference for high context communication (Mellahi  Wood, 2001). As Khoja  Khabash (1997), Al-Khaldi, Al-Sharif, Al-Jammal  Kisha, (2002) and Al-Khashman (2001) report, meritocracy is not as highly desired as fitting in a certain social group.

As explained by Scarborough (1998 p.5), culture impact strongly on the values that people uphold. In turn these values shape the convictions and attitudes and in this way affect almost all aspects of the working environment. As such, workers perception of human nature, purpose in life, time awareness, communication, power distance, uncertainty avoidance, gender, ethics, status attainment, societal role and ethnocentrism will go a long way towards determining the success of any HRM program (Scarborough, 1998 p.6-13 Gooderham, Morley, Brewster,  Mayrhofer, 2004 p.3-26).

The culture as practiced by majority in the Arabic states has shaped the lives of many of the inhabitants and influenced their interactions with the rest of the world. Many in these nations view life as predetermined and are laid back. Other aspects of their culture include high uncertainty avoidance, a high sense of patriarchy that is associated with strictly demarcated gender roles, and certain ambivalence towards punctuality and aggressiveness. In contrast to the West, majority practice opportunistic ethics and since they have low specificity, the dichotomy between work and relationships and socialization is rather indistinct. Social networking is a plus and attainment of status is almost always through ascription rather than achievement. As asserted by Pawan, Budhwar and Mellahi (p.88-9), these values have had a negative impact on their work ethics. However, most inhabitants of the said nations are Muslim and are admonished to uphold hard work and dedication by the Islamic Work Ethic (IWE). According to Ali (1998 507-20) IWE is based on the essential pillars of decency, accountability, competition and effort. This is meant to enhance both personal and the wider objectives of the society (Ali 1998, p. 507-20).

Nations such as Israel which are largely inhabited by Judeo-Christian whose cultural and religious values resemble Anglo-American values differ significantly from those in the Arab Middle East. Inhabitants here value punctuality, their communication is mostly high content and they view life as being deterministic. They thrive on a low power distance with democracy as a central tenet, have low uncertainty avoidance, and tend to promote gender equity. Besides, Western values include universalistic rather than opportunistic ethics and individualism more than collectivism. Additionally, status is usually attained through achievement rather than ascription. According to Pudelko, (2006 p. 123-53) and Scarborough, (1998 p. 216-19), independence of thought is highly desirous and a distinction is emphasized between work and socialization. In the western culture also, masculinity is not extremely dominant as it is in the orient. These considerations will become important as we attempt to classify the nations in this region as either pro-western or anti-western.

Regime Types in the Middle East
Before attempting to create a dichotomy between countries perceived as pro-western and those perceived as anti-western, it is necessary that the prevailing geo-political, economic, socio-cultural and demographic features of each of the countries be reviewed briefly. This will not only provide a much necessary contextual background to the issues in question but will also provide a solid basis for the subsequent characterization.

Bahrain
Bahrain is an archipelago in the Persian Gulf which gained independence from Britain in 1971. With a total area of 741 sq kilometer in size and a population estimated at 728, 709, the nation is a constitutional monarchy. The government of Bahrain is devolved into 5 governorates each of which is headed by a governor. These governorates are Asamah, Wasat, Muharraq, Janubiyah, and Shamaliyah. The constitution was adopted in 2002 and the legal system is largely based on Shariah law and English common law. Bahrain is yet to ratify the ICJ treaty.

The King is the head of state while the Prime Minister is the head of government and is deputized by 2 deputy prime ministers. The country has universal suffrage and citizens who are aged over 20 years are eligible to vote. The king appoints the cabinet and the monarchy is hereditary. The King also appoints the PM. The legislature consists of a bicameral parliament that comprises of the Consultative Council with 40 members who are appointed by the king and the Council of Representatives which is elected by the people and consists of 40 members who serve for 4 years.

Political parties are banned and the economy is highly diversified but largely dependent on oil revenues. The country hosts many multinational corporations as it has well developed transport and communications infrastructure. Bahrain was the first gulf nation to Sign a FTA with the US. As at 2009, Bahrains GDP per capita stood at 38,400. The GDP is largely boosted by industry and services sectors. The countrys military is made up of the air force, the ground force, the naval force and the National Guard. In 2009, Bahrain spent 4.5 of its GDP on the military (CIA, 2010).

Armenia
Described as the first nation on earth to embrace Christianity, Armenia has a total size of 29,743 sq km with an estimated population of 2,967,004. The dominant religion in the country is Christianity, with Armenian Apostolics constituting 94.7 of the populace. Other Christians form 4 of the total population while the Yezidi who profess monotheism that is tinged with aspects of nature worship form 1.3 of the population.

In terms of governance, Armenia is a parliamentary democracy consisting of a popularly elected president who is eligible for two, five year terms and is Head of State. The Prime Minister is the head of government. The legislature consists of a unicameral parliament elected by the popular vote and currently there are many active political parties and pressure. Armenias economy is market based and the GDP per capita as at 2009 stood at 5,900. The countrys military is composed of the Armed Forces which basically comprises of Ground Forces, the Nagorno-Karabakh Self Defense Force (NKSDF) and the Air Force and Air Defense. Armenias military expenditure is the eight highest in the world at 6.5 of GDP.

Azerbaijan
As will be seen in the subsequent chapter, massive corruption sticks like a sore thumb on Azerbaijan. This country is also known for the authoritarian rule by the ruling elite. In terms of size, Azerbaijan covers a total of 86,600 sq km. The countrys 2009 population estimate stood at 8,238,672 people, majority of whom are Muslims. There are smaller numbers of Russian Orthodox (2.5) and Armenian Orthodox (2.3) adherents.

Armenia is a republic headed by a President elected by the popular vote and with no term limits. The head of government is the Prime Minister and the legislature is made up of a unicameral parliament elected by popular vote. The country has many political parties and pressure groups. In terms of the economy, Azerbaijan has experienced high economic growth and currently has a GDP per capita income of 9,900. The country also has relatively low unemployment rates and the percentage of people below the poverty line is just 11. Azerbaijans military is divided into the Army, Air and Air Defense Force and the Navy. According to CIA (2010), 2.6 of Armenias GDP is spent on the military

Egypt
Located in Africa, Egypt is considered a part of the Middle East. The country has a total size of 1,001,450 sq km with a 2009 population estimate of 78,866,635. The dominant religion is Islam and most Muslims are Sunni. Other less dominant religions are Coptic (9) and other Christians (1).
The country is headed by a popularly elected president with no term limits and who is the head of state. Each presidential term lasts for 6 years. The head of government is the Prime Minister. The legislature consists of a bicameral parliament and the country boasts of several active political parties whose registration is sanctioned by the government. Egypts GDP per capita was estimated at 6,000 in 2009 and its economy is largely market based. The military is divided into the Army, Air Force, Navy, and the Air Defense Command and 3.4 of its GDP is spent on the military

Georgia
Georgia gained independence from Russia on 9 April 1991. With a total size of 69,700 square kilometers, the country has a population of 4,615,807, majority of which consist of people aged between 15 and 64 years. In terms of religion, the Orthodox Christian form 83.9 of the population, with the rest being Muslims (9.9), Armenian-Gregorian (3.9) and Catholics (0.8).

Georgia is a republic and universal suffrage is entrenched in the constitution. the political system in the country is a parliamentary democracy where the President is head of state and heads of government for the power ministries, namely the ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The President is elected by the popular vote and is eligible for 2 5 year terms. The prime minister is the head of government for the remaining ministries. Parliament is unicameral with 150 members, 75 of whom are elected in proportional representation. The country has about 20 active political parties.

Regarding the economy, the GDP per capita of Georgia was 4,500 as at 2009 and 31  of the citizens live below the poverty line. The military consists of the Georgian Armed Forces Land Forces, Air and Air Defense Forces. Military expenditure is very low and constitutes 0.59 of GDP (CIA, 2010).

Iran
Iran is an Islamic theocracy which was formed in 1979 following the ouster of the ruling monarchy. Surrounded by the Caspian Sea, the Gulf of Oman, Iraq, Pakistan and the Persian Gulf, the anti-US stance of Iran is best personified by its active sponsorship of terrorism activities, the strained relations between the 2 countries, various embargos, and its uranium enrichment program and nuclear ambitions. Iran has a large population, estimated at 66,429,284 as at 2009. Muslims comprise 98 (Shia 89, Sunni 9) of the population.

The country is led by a Supreme Leader who is accountable only to the Assembly of Experts. The Assembly of Experts is made up of 86 members who are elected from among the Muslim clergy. The experts appoint the Supreme Leader for life. The head of the government is the President, and the President appoints the Council of Ministers. The President is elected by the popular vote and can serve for 3 non-consecutive terms. The country has many active political pressure groups and suffrage is universal upon attainment of 18years. Administratively, Iran is divided into 30 provinces, and the judicial system is based on the shariah law. Iran is yet to ratify the ICJ treaty. The Iranian parliament is unicameral.

Irans economy is highly regulated, and is largely dependent on oil revenues. According to the 2009 estimates, its GDP per capita was 12,900. The military expenditure is 2.5 of GDP (CIA, 2010).

Iraq
Iraq is located between Iran and Kuwait adjacent to the Persian Gulf. The total size of the country is 438,317 sq km and its total population is 28,945,569. The main religion is Islam with Muslims comprising 97 (Shia 60-65, Sunni 32-37) of the population. Governance is based on a parliamentary democracy model and the head of state is the President who is popularly elected. The head of government is the Prime Minister. Parliament is unicameral with 275 members and the country has more than 20 active political parties and several political pressure groups.

Iraqs economy is improving because of the better security, and the GDP per capita stands at 3,600. Iraqs military is divided into the Iraqi Army, Iraqi Navy and the Iraqi Air Force. In terms of military spending, Iraq is 4th globally as it spends 8.6 of its GDP on the military (CIA, 2010).

Israel
Israel is located between Egypt and Lebanon and borders the Mediterranean Sea. With a total size of 22,072 sq km, Israel has a population of 7,233,701 and majority of the population subscribe to the Jewish religion (76.4). Muslims comprise 16, of the population. The country is a parliamentary democracy and is headed by a ceremonial president, who serves for 1 term of 7 years and is the head of state. The Prime Minister is the head of government and parliament is the unicameral Knesset. Israel has many active political parties and pressure groups. On the economy, Israel has an advanced market economy, with a 2009 GDP per capita estimate of 28,400. The Israeli military comprises of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), Israel Air Force (IAF) and the Israel Naval Forces (IN). Israel has a high military expenditure as it spends 7.3 of its GDP on the military and is ranked 5th worldwide.

Jordan
Jordan is located to the northwest of Saudi Arabia and totals 89,342 sq km in size. The country has a population of 6,269,285 and is a constitutional monarchy. The chief of state is the King while the Prime Minister is the head of government and is appointed by the King. A bicameral parliament consists of the senate and House of Representatives which has representatives of minorities. There are many political parties and pressure groups in the country and Jordans economy is one of the smallest in the Middle East. Its GDP per capita is 5,300 and 14 of Jordanians live below the poverty line. Jordan has an advanced market economy. Jordan has one of the highest spending on the military in the world and uses 8.6 of GDP on the military. Branches of its army include the Royal Jordanian Land Force (RJLF), Royal Jordanian Navy, Royal Jordanian Air Force (Al-Quwwat al-Jawwiya al-Malakiya al-Urduniya, RJAF), Special Operations Command (Socom) and the Public Security Directorate.

Kuwait
Kuwait is located between Saudi Arabia and Iraq and near the Persian Gulf. The country is 17,818 sq km in size and has a total population of 2,692,526. Kuwait has one of the highest population growth rates in the world. Muslims 85 (Sunni 70, Shia 30) comprise the largest number of Kuwaitis. Kuwait is a constitutional emirate where the head of state is the emir. The position of emir is hereditary and not contestable and the emir appoints the PM and the deputy Prime Ministers. The head of government is the prime minister.

Parliament is unicameral ad consists of 50 members elected by voters. Political parties are illegal but there are several political pressure groups. Kuwait has an open market economy and the country is very wealthy, with a GDP per capita of 55,800. The military comprises of the Kuwaiti Land Forces (KLF), Kuwaiti Navy, Kuwaiti Air Force, and the Kuwaiti National Guard (KNG). Military expenditure is 5.3 of GDP.

Lebanon
Lebanon is located between Syria and Israel and borders the Mediterranean Sea. The country has a total size of 10,400 sq km and a population of 4,017,095. The President is head of state and is elected by Parliament for a 6 year term. The Prime Minister is the head of government. The legislature is a 128 member unicameral parliament and there are 2 main coalitions consisting of many smaller parties.  Lebanon pursues a free market economy and its GDP per capita is 11,500. The military is divided into the Army (includes Navy), and the Air Force. Spending on the military is 3.1 of GDP.

Oman
Oman has a total size of 309,500 sq km and a population of 3,418,085. The predominant religion is the Ibadhi Muslim (75 of the population). Oman is a monarchy with no constitution. The head of government is the Sultan and Prime Minister and this position is hereditary. The Sultan and Prime Minister is also the Head of State and appoints the cabinet. Oman has a bicameral parliament consisting of a senate appointed by the monarch and a lower house thats popularly elected. Omans economy is highly dependent on oil and the GDP per capita is 20,300. The Oman military consists of the Royal Army of Oman, Royal Navy of Oman, and the Royal Air Force of Oman. Oman has the highest expenditure on the military in the world as it uses 11.4 of GDP on the military.

Qatar
Qatar borders Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf, has a total area of 11,586 sq km and a population of 833,285. Muslims comprise Muslim 77.5 of the population and Christian 8.5. The government is an emirate, and the emir is the head of state and the position is hereditary. The head of government is the Prime Minister. Parliament is unicameral and is appointed by the emir. The country has no political parties and no pressure groups. In terms of the economy, Qatar has the second highest GDP per capita in the world at 121,400. Its military comprises of the Qatari Amiri Land Force (QALF), Qatari Amiri Navy (QAN), and Qatari Amiri Air Force (QAAF). Spending on the military is second highest in the world. The country uses 10 of its GDP on the military.

Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia has a total size of 2,149,690 sq km, a population of 28,686,633 and nearly all its citizens are Muslim. The country is ruled by a monarchy, and no elections are held as the King and Prime Minister is a hereditary position and the occupant heads both the government and the state. The King and Prime Minister appoints members of parliament.

Saudi Arabia has a highly regulated economy which is manned by more than 5 million foreigners. Its GDP per capita is 20,300. The military consists of the Royal Saudi Land Forces, Royal Saudi Naval Forces, Royal Saudi Air Force Royal Saudi Air Defense Forces, Royal Saudi Strategic Rocket Forces, and the Saudi Arabian National Guard (SANG). Military expenditure is third in the world at 10 of GDP.

Syria
Syria has a size of 185,180 sq km and a population of 21,762,978. Most Syrians are Sunni Muslims. The country is headed by a dictatorial regime that is dominated by the military. The head of state is the President, while the head of government is the Prime Minister. The President appoints the PM and cabinet and is elected by popular vote for a 7 year term with no term limits Many political parties and pressure groups exist in the country. Syrias economy is highly regulated and the GDP per capita is 4,700. Syrias military comprises of the Syrian Arab Army, Syrian Arab Navy, Syrian Arab Air and Air Defense Forces and military expenditure is 12th in the world at 5.9 of GDP.

Turkey
Turkey has a total size of 783,562 sq km and a population of 76,805,524. Nearly all Turkey citizens are Sunni Muslims and its government type is a parliamentary democracy. The head of state is the president who is elected for two 5 year terms. The head of government is the Prime Minister who is appointed by president. The unicameral parliament has 550 MPs who serve for 4 years. There are 61 registered political parties, and many more pressure groups. Turkeys economy is a market-based economy, is highly diversified, and the GDP per capita is 11,200. The Turkish military consists of the Turkish Land Forces (Turk Kara Kuvvetleri), Turkish Naval Forces (Turk Deniz Kuvvetleri includes naval air and naval infantry), Turkish Air Force (Turk Hava Kuvvetleri).

UAE
The United Arab Emirates (UAE) covers an area of 83,600 sq km in size. The UAE has a population of 4,798,491and is a federal government with 7 emirates. The head of state is the president while the head of government is the Prime Minister and Vice President. Its unicameral parliament is elected by an electoral college of 6,689 Emiratis who are appointed by the rulers of the 7 emirates. Political parties are banned and there are no political pressure groups. UAEs economy is market driven open economy and is not highly dependent on oil. The emirate signed a FTA with US and its GDP per capita is 41,800. Its military comprises of the Army, Navy (includes Marines), Air Force and Air Defense, National Coast Guard. Military spending is 3.1 of GDP.

Yemen
The total size of Yemen is 527,968 sq km and its population as at 2009 was 22,858,238. The country is predominantly Islamic with small numbers of Hindus, Christians and Jews. The head of state is the President who is popularly elected for a 7 year term. The head of government is the Prime Minister appointed by the president. Yemen has a bicameral parliament consisting of a senate and a house of representatives. The country also has several active political parties and pressure groups. Yemen is a low income country with a GDP per capita of 2,500. The military comprises of the Army (includes Republican Guard), Navy (includes Marines), and the Yemen Air Force. Despite its poverty, Yemen has one of the highest military expenditures in the world, using 6.6 of GDP on the military. It is ranked 7th in the world

Classifying the Middle East Countries as Either Pro- or Anti- Western
Table  SEQ Table  ARABIC 4 Pro-western and Anti-western nations in the Middle East
Country Leaning ArmeniaPro-Western AzerbaijanPro-WesternBahrain Pro-WesternEgyptPro-WesternGeorgiaPro-WesternIranAnti-western Iraq Pro -WesternIsraelPro-western JordanPro  - WesternKuwait Pro -WesternLebanonAnti -WesternOmanPro - WesternPalestine Anti -WesternQatar Pro -WesternSaudi ArabiaPro-western SyriaAnti -WesternTurkeyPro -WesternUAEPro -WesternYemenAnti -Western
Private Military Corporations in the Middle East
PMC Activity in Saudi Arabia

Saudi Arabia has witnessed a rise in PMC activities within its borders. Initial participation of PMCs in this country date back to 1967 with the formation of Watch Guard International and its participation in training the armed forces of the Sultanates located in the Persian Gulf (OBrien, 2000). Since then, the activity of PMCs in Saudi Arabia has increased considerably. According to Bunham (1999), the total value of contracts agreed on between Saudi Arabia and PMCs totaled to 60 billion in 1999 alone.

One private military company which has played a central role in Saudi Arabia is the Vinnell Group. Owned by Northrop-Grumman and with its headquarters in Virginia, U.S.A., the Vinnell Group played a critical role in the formation of the Saudi Royal Air force. Additionally, the company was involved in the formation of the Saudi Arabia National Guards (SANG). The Vinnell Group has provided training to the guards. The National Guards was formed to protect the royal Saudi family from internal dissidents and are not under the command of the Defense Ministry. Currently, the force boasts of more than 75,000 personnel.

In 2003, the Vinnell Group was given a 5 year contract worth an estimated 819 million to train the Saudi military (Khan, 2009). Vinnel Corporation was given the contract by the Saudi royal family at the instigation of the US.

Apparently, the role of Vinnell was limited to the training of the guards and provision of logistical support. However, critics assert that the mandate of Vinnell extends to provision of military and security support and other more offensive duties. For instance, the corporation was implicated in the attack against Saudi rebels in 1979 that had overrun the National Guards and looked set to force the royal family to cede power as well as take control of the Grand Mosque at Mecca.

The use of Vinnell to train the Guards was a strategic move by the United States since it defuses the perception that the US is the main force behind the guards. Any direct involvement of the US with the Guards would otherwise be catastrophic as it would help fuel fears that the US is supportive of the totalitarian antics of Saudis ruling class. However, the perception has not entirely been avoided as a series of planted bomb attacks against American residents in Saudi and Vinnell employees indicate.
Critics suggest that Saudis dalliance with the PMC is meant to strengthen the ruling family so that it can quash any clamors for democracy. Enhancement of these forces is widely touted as a ploy by the US to prop up a country that can serve its strategic interests in the Middle East and to turn Saudi Arabia into a reliable ally.

Other PMCs which have had an active participation in Saudi Arabia include Booz-Allen  Hamilton, Science Applications International Corporation (SAIC) and OGara Protective Services. Booz-Allen  Hamilton was tasked with the mandate of maintaining the Saudi Armed Forces Staff College. Booz-Allen  Hamilton has also helped to train the Saudi Marine Corps. On the other hand, SAIC provides logistical and tactical support to the Saudi Navy. OGara Protective services  was contracted to provide security for the royal family in Saudi Arabia

PMC Activity in Israel
According to Isenberg (2004), there is significant PMC activity in Israel. Israel is also home to many PMCs operating in many parts of the world. Among the PMCs which are incorporated in Israel include Beni Tal, International Security Consultants, Levdan Ltd, Long Range Avionics Technology, Silver Shadow Advanced Security Systems and Spearhead Ltd. Others are Strategic Consulting Group and The Golan Group.

PMC Activity in Iraq
As mentioned before, there are many PMCs operating in Iraq. These companies provide security for top ranking civilians, guard important buildings and installations and provide escort services for non-military convoys. Companies such as the Strategic Support Branch provide intelligence services to the military akin to the CIA.

After the war, the demand for PMCs in Iraq increased significantly. This increased demand arose primarily because of the deteriorating security and the need for reconstruction. As reported by Isenberg (2004, 23) 10-15 of the reconstruction budget is spent on security. As there was no effective police force in Iraq, it also became necessary for PMCs to provide training services for a brand new Iraqi police force.

Five years ago, the total number of PMCs in Iraq was estimated to be more than 20,000 (Voillat, 2004). By the beginning of 2007, the number of personnel working for PMCs in Iraq had swollen to exceed 100,000. As these figures show, nowhere else in the world has there been such a significant concentration of PMC activity.

PMC Activity in Other Middle East Countries
According to Hedgoeth (2007), the Jordanian king contracted Blackwater in 2007 to help train the countrys security forces. Other countries where there have been some PMC activities are Bahrain and Oman where DynCorp has established operations.

PMC Activity in Pro-Western versus Anti-Western Nations
From the foregoing, it can be concluded that PMC activity appears to be more concentrated in countries which are pro-western. On the other hand, countries that can be described as anti-western have little or no PMC activity.

CHAPTER FOUR
CORRUPTION AND PMC ACTIVITY IN THE MIDDLE EAST
The degree and nature of corruption in the Middle East has not been precisely characterized, largely due to the lack of verifiable and credible data pertaining to corruption. According to Chene (2007) however, the overreaching opinion of many is that corruption in the region is rife and deeply entrenched. This is borne out by the government formations prevalent in the region, repudiation of public participation and the way the public sector has been structured. Several studies have sought to determine the level of corruption in Middle East. Some of the most comprehensive studies are briefly discussed below.

The Arab Human Development Report was published 5years ago and sought to find out the perceptions of nationals of Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Morocco and Algeria regarding the state of corruption in their countries. According to the report, a whopping 90 of those who were interviewed were of the opinion that their countries were encumbered by corruption. Perhaps the most comprehensive study carried out to determine the level of corruption in the Middle East is the Transparency Internationals (TI) Corruption Perception Index (CPI). The CPI is a measure of how rampant corruption is in the public sectors of the countries that are surveyed. The scores are premised on the outcomes of 13 independent surveys (TI, 2009). According to the 2009 TI report, the least corrupt nations in the Middle East are Qatar, Oman, the United Arab Emirates, Israel, Bahrain and Jordan in that respective order. These nations are ranked among the top 50 least corrupt countries on earth. The most corrupt nations in the Middle East are Iraq, Iran, Yemen, Azerbaijan, Lebanon, Syria, Armenia and Egypt in that order. Iraq is ranked as the fifth most corrupt nation on earth. All these nations are ranked among the 70 most corrupt nations on earth. This is depicted in the table below.

Table  SEQ Table  ARABIC 5 CPI Score of countries in the Middle East
 Country CPI scoreWorldwide Rank Armenia2.7120Azerbaijan2.3143Bahrain 5.146Egypt2.8111Georgia4.166Iran1.8168Iraq 1.5176Israel6.132Jordan5.049Kuwait 4.166Lebanon2.5130Oman5.539Palestine NANAQatar 7.022Saudi Arabia4.363Syria2.6126Turkey4.461UAE6.530Yemen2.1154the West Bank NANAGaza StripNANASource TI (2009)
Figure  SEQ Figure  ARABIC 1 the figure below illustrates the relative ranking of the Middle East countries based on the CPI. The red line which runs the horizontally is placed at the worlds CPI median (3.3). Countries below the line (CPI3.3) are perceived to be most corrupt while those above the line (CPI3.3) are least corrupt.  As can be seen, all the countries in Middle East except Bahrain, Georgia, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and UAE are deemed to be very corrupt.

The findings by TI are confirmed by other reports such as the Bertelsmann Transformation Index and the World Banks Governance Indicators. The Global Integrity Index was limited in scope as it covered only 4 nations. The Bertelsmann Transformation Index and the World Banks Governance Indicators are also less useful for our purposes since the Middle East nations that are covered are few. For instance, the BTI includes only Yemen, Egypt, Lebanon and Jordan in their assessments and does not give a report on the other 14 nations in the region. Nevertheless, the report shows these countries ranking poorly in terms of corruption with Yemen and Lebanon performing poorly than Egypt and Jordan.

Accordingly, TIs CPI scores are seen to offer more utility and will thus be used to assess the corruption statuses of the nations under consideration.  Based on the scores, the nations can be characterized as either having a low or high degree of corruption and this is done as detailed in the table below.

Table  SEQ Table  ARABIC 6 Ranking of the Middle East countries based on degree of corruption
High Low Armenia Bahrain Azerbaijan Georgia Egypt Israel Iran Jordan Iraq Kuwait Lebanon Oman Syria Qatar Saudi Arabia

Causes of corruption in the Middle East
The rampant corruption present in the Middle East countries has been attributed to several factors and these are briefly discussed in the following sections.

Lack of press freedom
According to the 2003 World Bank Report (World Bank, 2003), most countries in the Middle East have laws that restrict the freedom of the press. The governments of these countries continue to exert excessive control on the media. Even in countries where the media is owned by private entities or individuals, the degree of independence is worryingly little. The media is also subject to strict censorship laws in many countries. This has contributed to endemic corruption in the countries under study as the press cannot freely report on government misdemeanors and is unable to effectively hold their rulers to account.

Limited access to information
In many Middle East countries, the government has a monopoly on information and often censors and limits the type and quantity of information which individuals can access. Coupled with a pervasive lack of accountability and the suffocating control on the media, this has provided the perfect ground for corruption to thrive.

Inadequate checks and balances
According to the World Bank (World Bank, 2003), the judicial systems of many Middle East countries are easily influenced by the Executive arm. The judges are usually employed by the executive and as such owe their allegiance to the appointing authorities. The legislature is also largely ineffectual and cannot properly hold the executive to account. Since there are inadequate checks and balances to hold the ruling class to account, corruption goes on unhindered (World Bank, 2009).

The civil society and other professional groupings are equally unable to act as effective checks since the government has weakened them. Most of the countries are either totalitarian regimes or monarchies and few subscribe to democratic ideals. Therefore, the citizens of these countries have little say on who their rulers will be and they often have little or no recourse to effect change. All these have severely weakened the accountability and transparency of governing institutions in the countries and created a suitable breeding ground for corruption to thrive (World Bank, 2003).

Culture
Hiring of public officials and promotions are largely based on informal networks with little regard for meritocracy. Based on the countries culture, the public sector is often very eager to recruit employees but is ever unwilling to dismiss them. This has spawned the emergence of highly bloated public sectors populated by mediocre individuals .The obvious effect of this has been to dilute acceptable accountable practices, reduce the efficiency of service delivery and to promote corrupt practices.

Tight market control and excessive bureaucracy
Many countries in the Middle East are yet to fully embrace the principles of the free market.  The governments therefore have put in place protectionist laws which discourage the participation of private and international businesses while creating a high dependency on the governments for provision of services. The private sector is also, to a large extent, highly dependent on the public sector for business. This situation has helped to perpetuate corruption in these nations (World Bank, 2003).

Rampant elitism
Social stratification in the Middle East is a cruel reality. The ruling class is often given more favors and the affairs of government are often oiled by networks of informal patronage. The ruling minority exerts immense control over the resources of the countries and nepotism is positively viewed and accepted in most of the countries. With these practices obtaining in many of the countries in the Middle East, it is not hard to envisage the ubiquitous nature of corruption.

Consequences of corruption
The effects of corruption on the socioeconomic development of nations have been well documented (UNDP, 2009). Briefly, corruption enhances the risk of state capture, a condition in which the aspirations of the majority are held hostage to the desires of the ruling minority. Corruption also has profound limitations of personal freedoms, reduces national productivity and enhances the gap between the rich and the poor. Additionally, corruption acts as a barrier against foreign and local investments and promotes the skewed allocation of resources. Other negative effects associated with corruption include the poor management of public resources and limited civilian freedoms (TI, 2009).

Corruption Indices of Pro-Western versus Anti-Western Countries in the Middle East
Nations in the Middle East that were deemed to be either pro-western or anti-western were identified in the previous chapter. An interesting observation is made when the CPI indices of these 2 groups of nations are compared. All the countries which are grouped as pro-western have relatively higher CPI indices meaning that they are less corrupt (table 6). On the other hand, all the countries identified as anti-western with the exception of Armenia are listed on the left side of table 6 and have high degrees of corruption. Inescapably therefore, it can be surmised that pro-western nations are less corrupt than anti-western nations.

As noted before, cultural values espoused by the Middle East nations often contribute to high levels of corruption within these nations. However, culture as a contributing factor is less important since there is an almost universal culture among majority of these countries and it is thus less of a confounder. Therefore, it would seem that characteristics associated with pro-western nations such as more democratic governance systems, transparency and accountability, ascription to the ideals of a free market, a free press, less restriction on the flow of information, strong judicial systems, and adequate checks and balances have contributed to the lower levels of corruption in the pro-western nations.

On closer scrutiny however, it will be realized that all the nations which are listed as highly corrupt are parliamentary democracies. The only exception is Iraq. In addition, their economies are less strong than those of the less corrupt nations, and their military expenditure is lower than that of the less corrupt countries.

Table  SEQ Table  ARABIC 7 Features of Middle East nations with high levels of corruption
Country Governance system Military expenditureGDP per capita Armenia Parliamentary democracy 6.5 of GDP5,900.Azerbaijan Parliamentary democracy 2.6 of GDP9,900EgyptParliamentary democracy 3.4 of GDP6,000IranIslamic theocracy 2.6 of GDP12,900IraqParliamentary democracy 8.6 of GDP3,600Lebanon Parliamentary democracy 3.1 of GDP11,500Syria Parliamentary democracy 5.9 of GDP4,700.

On the other hand, the less corrupt nations have either totalitarian regimes or are ruled by monarchies. They spend more on the military and have higher levels of economic development. All are pro-western and pursue free market economics and this is shown in the table below.

Table  SEQ Table  ARABIC 8 Least corrupt nations in the Middle East
Country Governance system Military expenditureGDP per capita Bahrain Constitutional monarchy 4.5 of GDP38,400GeorgiaParliamentary democracy 0.59 of GDP4,500IsraelParliamentary democracy 7.3 of GDP28,400JordanConstitutional monarchy 8.6 of GDP5,300KuwaitConstitutional emirate5.3 of GDP55,800Oman Monarchy 11.4 of GDP20,300QatarEmirate  10 of GDP121,400Saudi ArabiaMonarchy 10 of GDP20,300
Corruption, Orientation and PMC Activity

The information collected was tabulated as depicted in table 9 below. As can be seen, all the Middle East countries which have the most manifest PMC activity have a pro-western orientation. All of these countries with the exception of Iraq have low levels of corruption. Thu, it can be safely concluded that the activities of PMCs in the Middle East are concentrated in those countries which have low levels of corruption and which have a pro-western orientation. Stated differently, these companies seem to thrive in environments where the levels of corruption are low and where the governments of these nations have adopted a pro-western policy.

Table  SEQ Table  ARABIC 9 Corruption, orientation and PMC activity in the Middle East
Country Degree of corruptionOrientation IraqHigh Pro-westernIsrael Low Pro-western Saudi ArabiaLow Pro-western Jordan Low Pro-westernBahrainLow Pro-western OmanLow

Summary and Synthesis of Findings
This study sough to identify the specific regime types in the Middle East conducive to both the emergence and persistence of Private Military Corporations throughout the region.  To accomplish this, Middle Eastern countries that have experienced any past or current Private Military Corporation activity within their borders were identified, and all Middle Eastern country regimes classified as either pro or anti-western. Thereafter, the corruption indices of all Middle Eastern countries were recorded, and the degree of corruption in these countries rated as either high or low. Lastly, a typology of the data was constructed, and the relationships of PMC activity in proanti-western countries vs. countries with highlow levels of corruption throughout the Middle East will revealed.
The study suggests that regimes which have low levels of corruption and are pro-western are more conducive to the activities of the PMCs. Conversely, PMC activity is lowest in those Middle East countries that have high levels of corruption and which are anti-western. This would seem to lend credence to the suggestion that PMCs act as proxies for the west in regions where close association with the western world is often undesirable. It also refutes the belief that PMC activity is most likely to occur in corrupt regimes. However, the regimes identified as corrupt were also anti-western and had values that were distinctively anti western. Such values have been associated with factors such as lack of press freedom and restrictions on information, factors which could have limited the availability of data about PMC operations in these regions. More studies are needed in order to find out whether this plays a role in the activity of PMCs.